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More Instruction, More Learning? What Happens When Students Play Board Games Instead
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

If teachers wants students to get better at reading, they often devote more instructional time to reading. To get better at math, common sense tells us, our students should practice math. How controversial can this be?

I wrote two weeks ago about one catch in this logic: students who spent an extra 30 minutes/day on social studies improved at reading more than those who didn’t. In this (very large) data set, “more time studying ELA” didn’t necessarily translate into “better reading scores.”

I’ve found another study that offers a different angle on this question. Once again, it forces us to rethink the “more instructional minutes = more learning” equation.

“What else might help?” you ask. How about playing board games…

The Concept, the Execution

You read that right: board games. As in: “roll the dice, move your token forward five squares, and choose a card from the green deck.”

This research group hypothesized that playing board games gives children time to practice core executive functions:

  • working-memory updating
  • inhibition
  • cognitive flexibility/shifting

This EF practice, in turn, could result in better academic outcomes. The instructional equation here is not

“More instructional time → more learning”

but

“Board game play → accelerated EF development → more learning”

With this hypothesis in mind, the researchers pursued a straightforward research plan. Roughly fifty students, aged 6 – 12, spent class time playing board games — two hours a week for six weeks. The researchers chose commercially available, age-appropriate board games. The teachers encouraged their students to play the games, but otherwise let them play independently.

Both before and after the board game phase, researchers measured all those EFs, as well as the students’ reading fluency, mathematical fluency, and calculation. They hypothesized that board-game players would improve in all those categories faster than their control-group peers.

What did they find?

Learning and Beyond

First headline: students in both groups made — on average — substantial academic progress. The researchers didn’t find evidence that replacing 12 hours of class time with board games caused students to fall behind.

Second headline: board game play might have improved some EFs — in particular, cognitive flexibility. However — and this is a big however — we can’t say with statistical confidence that they improved more than in the control group.

(I want to emphasize that the data can’t be interpreted to say that playing board games improved working memory. I often hear that claim, and this study does not support it.)

We might be tempted to conclude: “this study was a bust.” The research team hypothesized that board game play would speed up development of executive functions, and those would — in turn — enhance learning. The data don’t support either claim. The EF results were mixed or inconclusive, and we certainly can’t say that they resulted in greater learning.

That conclusion, in my view, misses an essential point: students in the board game group spent less time on academic tasks but made academic progress broadly similar to their control-group peers. Let me turn that finding around:

Over six weeks, an extra 12 hours spent on conventional academics didn’t clearly produce more learning, at least not in the categories that the researchers measured.

This interpretation of the study prompts me to speculate…

Possibilities, Possibilities

When teachers swapped 12 hours of instruction time for board-game time, researchers found — very roughly speaking — no statistically impressive differences in the variables they measured. But — now I’m starting to speculate — what about the variables that the researchers DIDN’T measure? Did this classroom change create differences not captured in the data?

Strictly speaking, the answer is: we have no way of knowing. But for just a moment, I want to open the conversation to teacherly experience and ask: “how would your students respond if they got to play the occasional game of Spot It! or Uno or Guess Who? in class?” I’m guessing that they would enjoy the games, and perhaps even enjoy class just a little bit more. It’s possible, maybe even likely, that the addition of board games would make students feel happier and more welcome in class.

And — remember — students made roughly equivalent academic progress even though they spent less time on academics.

If I’m right — students progress as much and feel happier and more motivated — then the exchange of academic study for board games seems like a very good bargain indeed.

And here again, we have reason to push back against the claim that “more time on task automatically results in more learning.” Schools are not factories; children are not widgets. When we get the balance right, we can blend learning and enjoyment in a healthier balance.


Vita-Barrull, N., Estrada-Plana, V., March-Llanes, J., Guzmán, N., Fernández-Munoz, C., Ayesa, R., & Moya-Higueras, J. (2023). Board game-based intervention to improve executive functions and academic skills in rural schools: A randomized controlled trial. Trends in Neuroscience and Education, 33, 100216.

Executive Functions “Debunked”? [Reposted]
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

A recent study claims to have “debunked” the idea of executive function. Back in December, our blogger explored the research, and the claim…


As long as I’ve been in this field – heck, as long as I’ve been a teacher – the concept of executive function has floated around as a core way to discuss students’ academic development.

Although the concept has a technical definition – in fact, more than one — it tends to be presented as a list of cognitive moves: “prioritizing, switching, planning, evaluating, focusing, deliberately ignoring…”

A head made up of multiple colored puzzle pieces. The head is open at the top and back

I myself have tended to think of executive functions this way: all the cognitive skills that don’t include academic content, but matter in every discipline. So, if I’m trying to execute a lab in science class, I need to …

… focus on this thing, not that thing,

… decide where to begin,

… decide when to switch to the next step,

…realize that I’ve made a mistake,

…evaluate options to fix my mistake,

And so forth.

Crucially, that list applies to almost any academic task: writing an essay, or evaluating the reliability of a historical source, or composing a sentence in Spanish using a new verb tense…

So: these executive functions help students in school – no matter the class that they are in.

To say all this in another ways: EFs resist easy definition but are mightily important in schools and classrooms. (Truthfully they’re important in life, but that broader range lies outside of this blog’s focus.)

Today’s News

I recently saw an enthusiastic response to a newly-published study that explores,  reconceptualizes — and debunks? —  EFs. Because EFs “are mightily important,” such reconceptualization & debunkage merits our thoughtful attention.

Here’s the story.

A research team led by Andreas Demetriou wanted to see if they could translate that long list (“prioritizing, switching, evaluating,” etc.) into a core set of mental processes.

So: a carbon atom might look different from an iron atom, but both are different ways of putting protons, neutrons, and electrons together. Likewise, “prioritizing” and “switching” might seem like two different processes, but they could instead be different arrangements of the same mental elements.

Demetriou’s team focuses on two core mental processes – their “protons and electrons.” Roughly, those mental processes are:

  • Forming and holding a mental model of the goal, and
  • Mapping that mental model onto the situation or problem.

For complicated reasons, Team D combines these two processes with a label: the AACog mechanism. They then run a lengthy series of studies using a GREAT variety of different tests (Stroop this, Raven’s that) across a wide range of ages.

When they run all the calculations, sure enough: the AACog mechanism underlies all those other EFs we’ve been taught about over the years.

As they write: “AACog is the common core running through all executive functions.” (That’s an extraordinary claim, no?)

And, development of the AACog mechanisms explains all sorts of increasing mental capacities: symbolic exploration, drawing inferences, using deductive reasoning, and so forth. (The concentric circles representing this argument challenge all of my AACog mechanisms!)

In other words, this model explains an ENORMOUS amount of human cognitive processing by focusing on two elements.

What It All Means

I wrote above that this study received an “enthusiastic response” when it came out.

In my twitter feed at least, it was packaged with basically this message:

“All those people who were nattering on about EF were having you on. Look: we can boil it down to basically one thing. No need to make it so complicated!”

I can understand why Twitter responded this way: the title of the Demetriou et al. study is: “Executive function: Debunking an overprized construct.” No wonder readers think that the idea of EFs has been debunked!

At the same time, I’m not so sure. I have three reasons to hesitate:

First:

Quoth Dan Willingham: “One study is just one study, folks.” Until MANY more people test out this idea is MANY more ways, we shouldn’t suddenly stop thinking one thing (“EFs exist!”) and start thinking another (“EFs are the AACog mechanism in disguise!”).

We need more research — LOTS — before we get all debunky.

Second:

Let’s assume for a moment that the AACog mechanism hypothesis is true. What effect will that have on discussions in schools?

Honestly, I doubt very much.

The “AACog mechanism” is itself so abstract — as are the “modeling” and “mapping” functions that go into it — that I doubt they’ll usefully replace “exective functions” in daily conversations.

Imagine that a learning specialist says to me: “This student has a diagnosed problem with her AACog mechanism.”

I’ll probably respond: “I don’t understand. What does that mean?”

The learning specialist will almost certainly respond: “Well, she has difficulty with prioritizing, task switching, initiating, and so forth.”

We’re back to EF language in seconds.

Third:

I’m not sure I buy the argument that the “AACog mechanism” DEBUNKS “executive function.”

Imagine this logical flow:

  • Carbon and iron are made up of the same sub-elements: protons, neutrons, and electrons.
  • Therefore, carbon and iron don’t really exist.
  • Voila: we’ve debunked the idea of carbon and iron.

Well, that logic just doesn’t hold up. Carbon and iron DO exist, even as meaningfully different arrangements of sub-particles.

So too:

  • EFs all boil down to the AACog mechanism, which is itself just “mental modelling” and “mapping of models onto reality.”
  • Therefore, EFs don’t really exist.
  • Misson Debunk Accomplished!

I just don’t track that logic.

We understand human cognitive complexity better, but the complexity hasn’t gone away. (We understand carbon and iron better now that we know about protons and neutrons, but the periodic table is still complicated.)

This model helps us think differently about mental functions across academic disciplines. Those new thought patterns might indeed be helpful — especially to people who create conceptual diagrams of cognition.

But I don’t think it will radically change the way teachers think and talk about our students.

TL;DR

A group of thoughtful scholars have put together a new model of cognition explaining executive functions (and a whole lot more).

What does this mean for us?

  1. In ten or fifteen years, EF experts might be talking to us differently about understanding and promoting these cognitive moves.
  2. In the meantime, don’t let oversimplications on the interwebs distract you. Yes: “executive function” is a mushy and complicated category — and yes, people do go too far with this label. But something like EFs exist, and we do need to understand their complexity.

Demetriou, A., Kazali, E., Spanoudis, G., Makris, N., & Kazi, S. (2024). Executive function: Debunking an overprized construct. Developmental Review, 74, 101168.

Executive Functions “Debunked”?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

As long as I’ve been in this field – heck, as long as I’ve been a teacher – the concept of executive function has floated around as a core way to discuss students’ academic development.

Although the concept has a technical definition – in fact, more than one — it tends to be presented as a list of cognitive moves: “prioritizing, switching, planning, evaluating, focusing, deliberately ignoring…”

A head made up of multiple colored puzzle pieces. The head is open at the top and back

I myself have tended to think of executive functions this way: all the cognitive skills that don’t include academic content, but matter in every discipline. So, if I’m trying to execute a lab in science class, I need to …

… focus on this thing, not that thing,

… decide where to begin,

… decide when to switch to the next step,

…realize that I’ve made a mistake,

…evaluate options to fix my mistake,

And so forth.

Crucially, that list applies to almost any academic task: writing an essay, or evaluating the reliability of a historical source, or composing a sentence in Spanish using a new verb tense…

So: these executive functions help students in school – no matter the class that they are in.

To say all this in another ways: EFs resist easy definition but are mightily important in schools and classrooms. (Truthfully they’re important in life, but that broader range lies outside of this blog’s focus.)

Today’s News

I recently saw an enthusiastic response to a newly-published study that explores,  reconceptualizes — and debunks? —  EFs. Because EFs “are mightily important,” such reconceptualization & debunkage merits our thoughtful attention.

Here’s the story.

A research team led by Andreas Demetriou wanted to see if they could translate that long list (“prioritizing, switching, evaluating,” etc.) into a core set of mental processes.

So: a carbon atom might look different from an iron atom, but both are different ways of putting protons, neutrons, and electrons together. Likewise, “prioritizing” and “switching” might seem like two different processes, but they could instead be different arrangements of the same mental elements.

Demetriou’s team focuses on two core mental processes – their “protons and electrons.” Roughly, those mental processes are:

  • Forming and holding a mental model of the goal, and
  • Mapping that mental model onto the situation or problem.

For complicated reasons, Team D combines these two processes with a label: the AACog mechanism. They then run a lengthy series of studies using a GREAT variety of different tests (Stroop this, Raven’s that) across a wide range of ages.

When they run all the calculations, sure enough: the AACog mechanism underlies all those other EFs we’ve been taught about over the years.

As they write: “AACog is the common core running through all executive functions.” (That’s an extraordinary claim, no?)

And, development of the AACog mechanisms explains all sorts of increasing mental capacities: symbolic exploration, drawing inferences, using deductive reasoning, and so forth. (The concentric circles representing this argument challenge all of my AACog mechanisms!)

In other words, this model explains an ENORMOUS amount of human cognitive processing by focusing on two elements.

What It All Means

I wrote above that this study received an “enthusiastic response” when it came out.

In my twitter feed at least, it was packaged with basically this message:

“All those people who were nattering on about EF were having you on. Look: we can boil it down to basically one thing. No need to make it so complicated!”

I can understand why Twitter responded this way: the title of the Demetriou et al. study is: “Executive function: Debunking an overprized construct.” No wonder readers think that the idea of EFs has been debunked!

At the same time, I’m not so sure. I have three reasons to hesitate:

First:

Quoth Dan Willingham: “One study is just one study, folks.” Until MANY more people test out this idea is MANY more ways, we shouldn’t suddenly stop thinking one thing (“EFs exist!”) and start thinking another (“EFs are the AACog mechanism in disguise!”).

We need more research — LOTS — before we get all debunky.

Second:

Let’s assume for a moment that the AACog mechanism hypothesis is true. What effect will that have on discussions in schools?

Honestly, I doubt very much.

The “AACog mechanism” is itself so abstract — as are the “modeling” and “mapping” functions that go into it — that I doubt they’ll usefully replace “exective functions” in daily conversations.

Imagine that a learning specialist says to me: “This student has a diagnosed problem with her AACog mechanism.”

I’ll probably respond: “I don’t understand. What does that mean?”

The learning specialist will almost certainly respond: “Well, she has difficulty with prioritizing, task switching, initiating, and so forth.”

We’re back to EF language in seconds.

Third:

I’m not sure I buy the argument that the “AACog mechanism” DEBUNKS “executive function.”

Imagine this logical flow:

  • Carbon and iron are made up of the same sub-elements: protons, neutrons, and electrons.
  • Therefore, carbon and iron don’t really exist.
  • Voila: we’ve debunked the idea of carbon and iron.

Well, that logic just doesn’t hold up. Carbon and iron DO exist, even as meaningfully different arrangements of sub-particles.

So too:

  • EFs all boil down to the AACog mechanism, which is itself just “mental modelling” and “mapping of models onto reality.”
  • Therefore, EFs don’t really exist.
  • Misson Debunk Accomplished!

I just don’t track that logic.

We understand human cognitive complexity better, but the complexity hasn’t gone away. (We understand carbon and iron better now that we know about protons and neutrons, but the periodic table is still complicated.)

This model helps us think differently about mental functions across academic disciplines. Those new thought patterns might indeed be helpful — especially to people who create conceptual diagrams of cognition.

But I don’t think it will radically change the way teachers think and talk about our students.

TL;DR

A group of thoughtful scholars have put together a new model of cognition explaining executive functions (and a whole lot more).

What does this mean for us?

  1. In ten or fifteen years, EF experts might be talking to us differently about understanding and promoting these cognitive moves.
  2. In the meantime, don’t let oversimplications on the interwebs distract you. Yes: “executive function” is a mushy and complicated category — and yes, people do go too far with this label. But something like EFs exist, and we do need to understand their complexity.

Demetriou, A., Kazali, E., Spanoudis, G., Makris, N., & Kazi, S. (2024). Executive function: Debunking an overprized construct. Developmental Review, 74, 101168.

Attack of the Teenage Brain!: Understanding and Supporting the Weird and Wonderful Adolescent Learner by John Medina
Rebecca Gotlieb
Rebecca Gotlieb

John Medina, developmental molecular biologist and New York Times best-selling author, has written a book about how to parent and teach teenagers in light of what we know about adolescent social, cognitive, and neural development.  In Attack of the Teenage Brain!: Understanding and Supporting the Weird and Wonderful Adolescent Learner, Medina emphasizes that designing better high schools will require us to consider the development of executive functioning skills during adolescence.

Paradoxically, while elementary schools and schools of higher education in the U.S. are exceptionally strong, our high schools have mediocre performance by international standards. Investing in executive functioning, or the skills that help us effectively and cooperatively get things done, may offer our best opportunity for improving U.S. high schools, Medina argues. Countries whose high schools perform better than ours, also have adolescents with stronger abilities to self-regulate, switch perspective, and temporarily store and manipulate information—the three core components of executive functioning. Medina reviews research by Walter Mischel (reviewed here by Learning and The Brain previously) that shows that the ability to delay gratification, a component of executive functioning, can predict many aspects of children’s future personal, academic, and career success.

To understand how to capitalize on adolescents’ executive functioning skills, it is helpful to understand how the brain changes during adolescence. Using clear, vivid, and accessible analogies, Medina explains several aspects of adolescent neural development that have implications for how we teach them. For example, adolescents’ limbic areas—areas responsible for many of our emotional responses—reach mature levels before the prefrontal cortex, an area responsible for decision-making, planning, and inhibition. This mismatching maturational profile partially explains why adolescence is a time of great vulnerability, why adolescents are more drawn to rewards than deterred by adverse consequences, why they are sensitive to peer influence, and why rational decision-making is still a work-in-progress during adolescence.

In light of these developmental vulnerabilities of adolescence, how could we design better schools for teenagers? The answer begins with factors outside of school. Feelings of safety and strong adult relationships are critical for learning.  Indeed, adolescents in homes that feel safe have stronger executive functioning abilities. Using a parenting style (or teaching style) that both sets high expectations of children and provides large amounts of emotional responsiveness and love benefits students’ executive functioning greatly, and thus also their performance in school. Similarly, modeling adult relationships (e.g., between two parents) where conflicts can be resolved using calm and honest communication can offer these same benefits.

Exceptional teachers can buffer against the effects of unstable relationships at home, but there is no substitute for good parenting. To help parents employ an ideal parenting style and model a healthy conflict resolution style, schools should provide night classes to parents to help them learn to create more stable relationships at home. A complementary change would be for high schools to require social-emotional learning initiatives that include a sequenced progression through skills, active application of skills, and a focus on a few critical social skills (e.g., empathy). These programs have been linked to students doing better in school and enjoying it more.

Age fourteen is the peak onset of mental health disorders. High schools should be designed to help navigate the mental health challenges that arise during adolescence. For example, while fewer than 20% of teenagers spend more than 20 minutes a day in physical activity, exercise has been linked to cognitive skill, academic performance, and cerebrovascular density in key brain areas. Most importantly, exercise is about as helpful as antidepressants in treating depression. Medina argues that a gym should be the center piece of a school and sitting time should be replaced with walking time.

Starting school later in the morning to align with the natural shift in sleep patterns that occur during adolescence could help improve mental health and academic performance, and actually save districts money in the long run. Electronic and social media use, and especially the stimulation of electronic multi-tasking, may be contributing to high rates of anxiety in adolescence.  Mindfulness exercise can be an antidote, helping to regulate emotions and mood, improve focus, and reduce pain. Medina calls for the integration of mindfulness practices into schools and the creation of mindfulness rooms.

As exemplified throughout this book, Medina makes an argument likely to resonate with Learning and the Brain readers—cognitive neuroscience and education typically are studied separately from one another, but to support adolescents’ success and development, we need to consider multiple forms of development together. Indeed the neuropsychologically derived principles that Medina suggests are likely to improve adolescents’ learning and well-being. Parents, teachers, and school administrators would do well to head his advice.

Medina, J. (2018).  Attack of the Teenage Brain!: Understanding and Supporting the Weird and Wonderful Adolescent Learner. Alexandria, VA: ASCD.