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Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

If you’ve read Lemov’s Teach Like a Champion, you know he focuses not on the theoretical but on the practical.

no grades

When Lemov sees teachers doing something that works (he’s got a rigorous definition of “works”), then he thinks you should do that. When they do something that doesn’t work (ditto), he thinks you should stop.

No Grades, No Meritocracy?

Although lots of people champion doing away with grades, Lemov strongly dissents. In his view, the end of grades would inevitably result in the end of meritocracy.

As you can imagine, his post has prompted a heated debate — much of it articulate and thoughtful. Check it out at the link above.

Should Mothers Help Children With Homework?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Does a mother’s homework help benefit her children? Do they study better? Do they learn more?

mother's homework help

Over the years, researchers have found conflicting answers to these questions.

Perhaps that conflict results from the different kinds of “help” that mothers might provide. Researchers in Finland wanted to find out.

Asking the Right Questions

Jaana Viljaranta and her colleagues worked with several hundred 2nd-4th graders, their mothers, and their teachers.

(The researchers don’t explain why they focus on mothers. I imagine they assume that mothers offer more help than fathers, and – to be precise – focus on “maternal behavior” rather than “parental behavior.”)

Rather than simply ask “do you help your children with their homework,” they had mothers rate themselves in three categories.

Perhaps these mothers provide actual help or guidance.

Perhaps they simply check to see if their child has done the homework.

Or, perhaps they “grant autonomy”; that is, “trust that the child takes care of home assignments by him/herself.”

They looked for a connection between these self-ratings and two results.

First, what effect did this maternal behavior have on task-persistence? They had teachers answer questions like “does the student actively attempt to solve even difficult situations and tasks?”

And second: what effect did it have on students’ learning? Here, researchers used a standard measurement of reading and math skill – not the students’ grades.

A Mother’s Homework Help: Finding the Answers

Because researchers measured so many variables, they’ve got a lot of potential relationships to map.

The short version is:

When mothers help with homework, children are less task-persistent on their own.

When mothers grant autonomy, children are more task-persistent.

And, when mothers check that homework got done, that doesn’t influence task-persistence either way.

(These three findings apply to 2nd and 3rd grade, not 4th.)

In turn, increased task persistence suggested higher grades, and decreased task persistence suggested lower grades. (For both those findings, the results didn’t quite achieve statistical significance.)

In sum: help doesn’t help. Granting autonomy does.

A Mother’s Homework Help: Explaining the Answers

Why is this so? Why doesn’t homework help help?

The Finnish researchers based their study on a well-known theory about motivation: Self-Determination Theory. Edward Deci and Richard Ryan argue that people are motivated by a desire for three things: autonomy, competence, and relatedness.

Viljaranta and colleagues reason thus: when mothers help their children with homework, they reduce their child’s autonomy, and imply that they think their children lack necessary competence.

By holding back from helping, on the other hand, mothers boost their children’s sense of autonomy. They also show that they believe their children can get the work done on their own.

By promoting autonomy and competence, these mothers help their children develop intrinsic motivation, and thereby improve task persistence.

Not Too Fast…

All research has limitations, and we should keep this study’s limitations in mind.

This is only one study.

It was done in a very particular cultural context. (Grade school in Finland.)

And: researchers found a task-persistence effect only in 2nd and 3rd grade, not 4th. (And, they didn’t find statistically significant difference in learning at any point.)

Finally: researchers report on averages. Your child isn’t average.

Even if many (or most) children benefit when they get autonomy, others just might need some more support.

Research can help inform our decisions, but we must make those decisions one child at a time.

Addendum

After I wrote the post above, I discussed this research with a colleague who teachers in Finland. He responds thus:

The conclusion of the study may contain a cultural bias [as all research does — editor’s note.] Generally speaking, parents in Finland are quite hands off with schools — the very opposite of helicopter parenting. There is also a cultural preference for developing independence from a young age.

In other words: “granting autonomy” is already a cultural norm in Finland in ways that it might not be elsewhere. This background might influence our understanding of this research.

Crucial in the Classroom: Distinguishing between Experts & Novices
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Over at A Chemical Orthodoxy, Adam Boxer explores the crucial distinction between novices & experts.

novices & experts

In particular, he offers some helpful diagrams to depict key differences. Not only do novices and experts know different facts and feel at ease with different procedures. They think very differently about the facts and procedures they know.

A few of Adam’s essential conclusions:

Experts notice features and meaningful patterns of information that are not noticed by novices…

Experts are able to flexibly retrieve important aspects of their knowledge with little attentional effort…

Though experts know their disciplines thoroughly, this does not guarantee that they are able to teach others…

Novices & Experts: The Teaching Implications

First: We can’t teach novices by treating them like experts. They won’t learn what we want them to learn, because they don’t yet think like experts.

In fact, as this famous chess study demonstrates, they don’t even notice the same things that experts see. Even before they think about the world, experts literally perceive the world differently. (I’m an English teacher, so when I say literally, I mean literally.)

Second: This insight gives teachers a clear goal.

To lead our students to ultimate expertise, we want them to know the facts, procedures, and patterns essential to a particular discipline.

Adam’s article gives two helpful examples of exactly this work. How do we help novices become experts in English? In Geography? And—by extension—the topics you teach? Check out the link above.

Novices & Experts: Project Pedagogies

Third: Some pedagogical strategies that sound good just might not work.

“Authentic assessment,” for example, has a nice ring to it, and plenty of authentic assessments can motivate students to learn deeply.

At the same time, some authentic assessments might ask novices to behave like experts. If my senior elective in business economics asks my students to start a business…there’s a real danger here. This expectation might require more expertise of my novice learners than they can plausibly demonstrate.

To return to the list above:

They might not yet notice patterns of employee or consumer behavior that experts would spot in a second…

They might need LOTS of attentional effort—far more than they plausibly have to spare—to pull up essential information from different places. Clearly, they have to consider payroll, marketing strategies, the lease they’re negotiating, and the applicable state laws…

My own expertise in running a business doesn’t necessarily mean that I’ve explained any of those points clearly enough in the first place.

If you run across a teaching philosophy that asks novices to think like experts, you should at least ask hard questions.

Better yet: revise its expectations so that the novices we teach can make the gradual progress that least ultimately to expertise.

If you’d like to read further on this topic, Chapter 6 of Daniel Willingham’s Why Don’t Students Like School?  will guide you well. It’s grounding principle: “Experts think differently from novices.”

Let’s Get Practical: More Flashcards Are Better
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Teachers certainly can benefit from background brain knowledge. It’s fascinating, for instance, to learn about the intricacies of neural network formation.

flashcard strategies

At the same time, we and our students often want practical classroom guidance. What exactly should we DO — and, in particular, what should we DO DIFFERENTLY?

For example: given the enthusiasm with which our students turn to flashcards, we should welcome any guidance on their best use.

Here’s a helpfully specific question: should our students use relatively small or relatively large stacks of cards?

Theory Meets Practice: Flashcard Strategies

Psychologists have a theory that should answer that question.

The “spacing effect” says that the same amount of practice spread out over time (“spaced“), rather than done all at once (“massed“), yields more learning.

If a student has — for example — only 5 flashcards in a pile, then she’ll encounter those words more frequently. On the other hand, if she has 20 flashcards in that  pile, then more time passes between each repetition.

5 flashcards = massing; 20 flashcards = spacing. Therefore, 20 flashcards ought to be better.

Nate Kornell, a practical researcher who writes with welcome clarity, tried just this experiment.

Students learned some word pairs with 4 piles of 5 flashcards each. They learned other word pairs with 1 pile of 20 flashcards.

Which flashcard strategy led to better recall the following day?

As the theory predicted, the larger pile of flashcards lead to better memory. In one trial, massed practice resulted in score of 38%. Spaced practice led to a score of 65%.

Crucially: students had the same amount of time to study the same number of words. Simply organizing those words one way (the big pile) rather than the other way (little pile) resulted in more learning.

A Paradox, and a Resolution

In Kornell’s study, larger stacks of flashcards yielded more learning for 90% of the students. And yet, even after they themselves had tried both approaches, 72% preferred the (ineffective) small stacks.

What gives? Why do they prefer ineffective flashcard strategies?

Kornell suspect that students prefer the study approach where they feel they’re making faster progress. Sadly, as happens quite often, the strategy that feels good in fact creates less learning.

Another example of this phenomenon: students typically prefer to reread passages rather than quiz themselves. Rereading doesn’t help them learn much, but it does make them feel more confident. (“I recognize that part! I must have learned it…”)

Flashcard Strategies: The Perfect Number

Given Kornell’s research, it’s tempting to think that students should always sort their flashcards into stacks of 20.

Instead of focusing on number, we should instead focus on relative challenge. The flashcard pile should be big enough so that

a) students feel stretched by the information they’re practicing, but

b) they don’t feel discouraged or overwhelmed.

That number will probably be higher than they would naturally choose. But it won’t be huge.

We might prefer to have more precise guidance than this. However, no one rule will apply equally well to all students.

The correct number of cards in a pile will be different in 2nd grade, 8th grade, and college. It will be different in subjects when students struggle and in subjects where they thrive. It will be different for flashcards that contain a lot of information and those with just a word or two.

Combining our teacherly experience with Kornell’s researcherly insight will lead to the best result we can hope for: flashcard strategies that promote optimum learning conditions.

Concerned about Concussions: Athletes and Actors
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

If you’re interested in brains, then you’re almost certainly worried about concussions.

Stories about professional athletes have made these concerns especially vivid.  When we see yet another story about a Wheaties-box sports star changed beyond recognition by multiple concussions, we worry about sportsy students in our own schools. And families.

(By the way: data about sports concussions reveal many surprises. Girls playing soccer are in greater danger of concussion than boys playing football. The sports that have seen the greatest increase in concussions in the last decade? Boys’ baseball and girls’ volleyball. Yes: volleyball.)

Today’s News: Actors and Concussions

Recent research suggests that the dangers of concussions go well beyond the hockey rink.

A survey of theater professionals shows that 67% of them had at least one concussion during their careers. Almost a third of them report 5 concussions.

That’s a very troubling number. Each concussion can cause more damage than the previous one, and even two concussions raise the possibility for long-term damage.

Just as troubling: what happened next. Most of the theater pros kept going; almost half didn’t even report what happened.

Clearly, in theater as in sports, professional culture tells adults to play through the pain. If that culture seeps down into schools, it could produce real problems.

Of course, this survey looks at theater pros, not amateurs. I haven’t been able to find data about dangers to younger actors.

At a minimum, this research should prompt us to recognize concussions in places we might not have looked for them.

Arachne’s Example

In 2010, Natalie Mendoza played a leading role in the Broadway production of Spiderman: Turn Off the Dark. While starring as the villain Arachne, she was struck in the head by a rope backstage and suffered a concussion.

What did she do next?

She finished the Sunday performance. And she played Wednesday evening as well.

And then: she left the show.

Rather than risk her brain health further (in a remarkably athletic role), she left a choice Broadway role.

Our theater students should know Mendoza’s example. A starring role on Broadway can be the pinnacle of a career. But that career won’t mean much if it fundamentally disrupts the brain.

When You Want Higher Brain Entropy, Add Caffeine
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

In the past, caffeine and cognitionI’ve posted about the learning benefits of wine and of chocolate. Today — to complete the trifecta — I’ve found research into the benefits of caffeine.

(You can thank me with a cup of java later.)

 

Caffeine and Cognition: The Simple Study

This study could not have been simpler. Researchers had students lie quietly in an fMRI scanner in a caffeine-free state on one day. After 48 hours, the same students took a caffeine pill and repeated the scan.

(Just to be sure that order didn’t matter, half of the students took the pill first for the first scan. The other half took the pill for the second scan.)

What did they find?

Caffeine and Cognition: The Complicated Results

After they took the caffeine pill, the students had more good brain stuff.

In this case, the good brain stuff was “brain entropy.”

What’s that? According to this study, the

concept of brain entropy has been defined as the number of neural states a given brain can access.

The same study also finds that higher levels of intelligence — measured by the Shipley Vocabulary test and WASI Matrix Reasoning test — are associated with higher levels of brain entropy.

(Important note: “associated with” doesn’t mean “cause.” It means that people who have higher levels of one often have higher levels of the other. But, we shouldn’t — in fact, can’t — infer causality.)

If we’re feeling daring, we might pose this hypothesis: taking caffeine raises brain entropy, and brain entropy helps you think better.

That’s an especially tempting hypothesis because caffeine increases brain entropy in the pre-frontal cortex. You hear a lot about the PFC and Learning and the Brain conferences, because so many important cognitive and self-regulatory functions use those networks.

What Should Teachers Do?

At present, this study points in the direction of that tempting hypothesis. But, it doesn’t directly support it.

We need lots more testing to confirm this idea.

In fact, the whole concept of “brain entropy” is still in its early stages, and we need to investigate the fully idea before we reach strong conclusions based upon it.

So: ponder brain entropy while you’re drinking your next cup of joe. You’ve got lots to consider.

3rd Graders Beware! The Perils of Mindfulness Research
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

In our frantic, stressed-out, technology-addled world, it just makes sense: we should all take some time to rest our brains.

And: what better way than mindfulness?

perils of mindfulness research

We’ve all heard so much about the benefits of focused breathing. The energy that derives from specific poses. The insights that come from curious attention to our bodies.

So: what’s not to love about mindfulness?

Yoga and Mindfulness in 3rd Grade

In 2016 and 2017, researchers worked with high-anxiety 3rd graders at a school in New Orleans.

20 of these students went through a combined yoga and mindfulness program. This program has good research behind it, and was led by an experienced professional. As the researchers describe it,

The session content included breathing exercises, guided relaxation, and several Vinyasa and Ashtanga poses appropriate for third graders.

And, the school devoted real time to this program. Students met before school 10 times, for forty minutes each session. 400 minutes shows real commitment!

Researchers also kept track of 33 other high-anxiety 3rd graders who had been randomly selected as the control group.

Both before and after the yoga/mindfulness program, the students answered a list of questions that measure physical, emotional, and social quality of life. (It’s euphoniously called the PedsQL.)

So: did those 400 minutes help?

The Benefits of Mindfulness

In part, it seems the program helped.

For example, the 3rd graders who participated in yoga and mindfulness saw an increase in their emotional PedsQL score of more than 18 points. Given that the scale ranges from 1 to 100, and that they started with an average score of 52, AND that the control group’s average fell by just under a point — that’s a dramatic improvement!

Researchers also found a statistically significant improvement in their psychosocial PedsQL score.

In a parallel track of this investigation, researchers offered a professional development session on mindfulness for the school’s teachers.

As a result, they found that more teachers used mindfulness and yoga with their students during the class day. Depending on how you count, teachers roughly doubled the number of sessions they used in their classrooms.

So far, so good.

The Perils of Mindfulness Research

Despite all these measurements, I remain unpersuaded by this study.

Three concerns jump out at me.

First: the study includes a control group…but the control group didn’t do anything different from their normal routine. (They were treated for anxiety in the school’s usual way.)

So: the benefits described above might have resulted from the yoga and mindfulness. But, it might just have well resulted from doing something different. Maybe these students would have scored higher on the PedsQL if they’d gone hiking. Or, made music. Or simply arrived at school 40 minutes early and done something relaxing.

We just don’t know.

Second: the students did score higher on the emotional and psychosocial PedsQL, but those are only 2 of the 6 measures on the test. Their scores on the other scales — school, social, physical, and overall — weren’t statistically significantly improved.

In fact, if you look at table 2 instead of table 3, it seems that only the emotional and not the psychosocial scores improved. (Table 3 shows the results of more sophisticated statistical modelling.)

Even in the best case, then, the yoga and meditation helped students on some measures. On 2/3 of the measures, however, it didn’t make a measurable difference.

Third: in this study, classroom teachers started doing additional yoga with their students as well.

So, perhaps the change we saw resulted from the special yoga and mindfulness intervention. Or, perhaps it resulted from the additional classroom yoga. Or, perhaps from the combination.

Again: we just don’t know.

The Perils of Mindfulness Research: The Big Picture

My point here is not to criticize this study. I am, in fact, quite glad that researchers are working with students in schools.

In fact, these researchers — quite helpfully — asked teachers about the biggest impediments for having a mindfulness program in the school.

Instead, I want to highlight how difficult it is to be confident about cause and effect.

In truth, I really want to be persuaded. I want to be able to tell teachers that we’ve got a sure-fire solution to real school problems.

But, my desire to be persuaded means I must be especially vigilant about the research I rely on.

In fact, as noted before on this blog, research in this field isn’t improving as fast as we’d like it to.

Ultimately, if we’re going to tell students to come to school early, if we’re going to ask them to spend 400 minutes doing something, if we’re going to create new programs and hire more staff, we need to be sure that this cause produces this effect.

As of today, I don’t think we’re sure enough.

Solving the Nap Research Problem (BTW: Naps Help!)
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Do naps improve learning?nap research

If you teach teenagers, you almost certainly want to know the answer to that question. Whenever I talk with adolescents about brains, it’s one of the first questions I get.

Alas: an important muddle makes that question noticeably hard to answer.

The Nap Research Problem Explained

On the one hand, we’ve got plenty of research showing that naps boost learning.

If I give you a list of words to study, you’ll remember more of them after a nap than you would if you hadn’t taken that nap.

In one study, for example, Olaf Lahl found that

“An ultra short period of only 6 min of napping is already sufficient to significantly boost declarative memory performance beyond waking control levels.”

You read that right. Even a SIX MINUTE nap helped participants recall more words.

But wait: there’s a problem.

We know that good night-time sleep is essential for consolidation of long-term memories. (Here’s a great article on the subject.)

It seems plausible to me that an afternoon nap might feel good at the time, but might make it harder to sleep at night.

If that’s true, then the short-term benefit of the nap will be more than offset by the long-term detriment of a bad night’s sleep.

In other words: I might remember that list of words better after the nap, but I might be likelier to forget everything else.

This uncertainty has always held me back from recommending naps.

The Nap Research Problem, Solved

Researches in Jintan, China looked at the cognitive results of napping — and their method fixes this research problem.

They gathered nap and night-time sleep data from 363 6th graders. And, they tested them on a variety of cognitive functions: executive control, spatial memory, and complex cognition among them.

What did they find?

First: frequent nappers get better nighttime sleep than infrequent nappers.

Yup: naps didn’t make it harder for these 6th graders to sleep. In fact, they slept better.

Second: frequent nappers did better on a variety of the cognitive tests. For instance, they did better on tests of sustained attention. (In schools, we require A LOT of sustained attention).

They also did better on tests of non-verbal reasoning.

In brief: frequent naps don’t make it harder to sleep at night, and they do improve some cognitive functions. Win win!

Nap Research in Context

This study’s authors wisely note two key limitations.

First, the data on sleep come from self-reports. This method, alas, allows for participants’ faulty memory to skew the results.

Second, the study took place within a particular cultural context. Naps are a cultural norm in China. That norm just might have an influence on the relationship between napping and cognition.

We just don’t know.

(To think more about the important of context, consider the perils of WEIRD neuroscience.)

For me, this study’s specific findings about cognitive capabilities are interesting. However, its general finding that naps don’t interfere with nighttime sleep means that the other studies about naps’ benefits can be taken at face value.

So: you’d like to take a 6 minute nap? GO FOR IT!

Look Here Not There: The Limits of Psychology
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Limits of PsychologyHow much psychology should teachers learn? And, what kind?

We might be tempted to learn as much as possible.

After all, psychologists study minds in action. It’s hard to think of a topic that might interest teachers more.

Teachers spend all day shaping active minds. Why would we leave any of the discipline out?

Look Here Not There

The invaluable Daniel Willingham has typically thoughtful and practical answers to that question.

He starts by dividing the field into 3 chunks:

Empirical Observations

Theories

Epistemic Assumptions

He argues, in effect, that 2 of those 3 chunks don’t really help teachers do our jobs.

We need to know what empirical observations tell us about learning — especially those well-established empirical observations that are consistently applicable to learners and learning. For example: the limitations of working memory, or the difficulties of transfer.

This information can offer teachers essential guidance on the best ways to help our students learn.

If we overwhelm our students’ working memory capacity, for example, learning simply comes to a halt.

The Limits of Psychology

Although these well-established observations — Willingham calls them “Empirical Generalizations” — help teachers, the other two categories really don’t.

In fact, they might distract and mislead us.

At best, they’re likely to overwhelm our own working memory resources.

For instance: psychological theories not only organize lots of empirical observations. They also make as-of-yet untested predictions about what might happen in other circumstances.

That is, in fact, part of the job of a theory.

However, those untested predictions don’t help teachers. Either we’re aware they’re untested, in which case they don’t tell us what to do (or not to do).

Or we’re NOT aware they’re untested, in which case they might prompt us to try unsupported teaching experiments.

And, epistemic assumptions are typically too broad to be useful.

As Willingham argues, the assertion that “learning is social” leads to differing specific recommendations if you’re a behaviorist or a constructivist.

Beyond the Limits of Psychology: Mental Models

Willingham suggests that teachers need fewer theories and more models: representations of the connections between and among all the empirical findings.

For instance: the image accompanying this article is my own model to represent the relationships among working memory, long-term memory, emotion, motivation, and attention.

That image doesn’t attempt to make predictions, as theories do. Instead, it shows that each of these five topics interacts with all of the others. It suggests that working memory stands “between” the experiential world and long-term memory. It emphasizes the overlap between emotion and motivation as concepts.

Its strives, in other words, to help teachers remember key points about these topics, and to understand the connections among them.

(To be clear, this image draws on the work of many previous scholars — including Willingham.)

A Final Note

Although I agree with Willingham’s broad argument, I do think there’s an important exception. As schools increasingly rely on neuroscience and psychology research to inform our practice, we should have an on-site expert in these disciplines.

Although most teachers should indeed focus on empirical findings, we’ll all benefit if at least one of our colleagues has a rich knowledge of the theories and epistemological assumptions that inform and shape those findings.

As you’ve read here so many times before, our reliance on research brings with it a need for informed and curious skepticism.

 

Brains in the Classroom: Research-based Advice for Students
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

When brain researchers answer our questions, that feels like helpful advice.

However, when they give us unsolicited advice, that can feel like nagging. After all, teachers and students already have plenty of people telling us what to do.

research-based advice for students

This truth puts researchers in a bind. If we are doing something foolish, and they know we’re doing something foolishthey (helpfully) want to give us a warning.

But, if we haven’t asked for that warning, then we’re likely to ignore it. In fact, we might even get angry that we got it.

Research-based Advice for Students: The Problem

This paradox has particular power for researchers who want to advise students.

We’ve got lots of research showing that students use highly inefficient study strategies.

Better said: students use strategies that give them the feeling that they’re making progress right now. Sadly, however, those strategies don’t often result in long-lasting learning.

(This review article by Nick Soderstrom does an excellent job sorting through difference between short-term performance and long-term learning.)

Research-based Advice for Students: A Solution

Three scholars — Miyatsu, Nguyen, and McDaniel — have hit upon a strategy to offer advice without seeming to nag.

Rather than tell students to stop doing what they really want to do, they’ve written an article on using the study strategies students already prefer more effectively.

Other such articles might say: “Stop rereading the text! You’re wasting your time!”

This article prefers an alternate approach: “If you’re going to reread the text, here’s the best way to do it.”

For example: long-time readers of this blog know that rereading the text yields much less learning than retrieval practice.

But: college students LOVE rereading the text. 78% of them use it as a core study strategy.

So, Miyatsu & Co. offer some advice:

Rereading works best for factual material.

Rereading works best when there’s a big gap between the first and second read, AND when there’s a big gap between the second read and the test.

Finally, rereading works best when you use particular strategies to be sure you’re learning from that second read.

See? No nagging!

They also have advice for other key study strategies, including highlighting, outlining, and using flash cards.

Research-based Advice for Students: A Hopeful Prediction

Miyatsu, Nguyen, and McDaniel note that college students rely on study habits formed over years. That is: they …

…appear to hold strong preferences for study techniques that they have used throughout their educational careers; consequently, attempts to sell them on new strategies may be met with resistance.

This note implies that those of us who teach younger students can have a powerful effect by shaping study strategies earlier on.

That is: if we can

inculcate the habit of using retrieval practice;

guide students to choose their study locations well;

help them spread practice out over time;

we can create the (good) study habits that will be hard to break.

In other words: Miyatsu’s article might be immensely helpful right now. However, if we can shape our students’ study habits well, they might not need it when they get to college.