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The Debate Continues: Being Bilingual Doesn’t Improve Executive Function
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Being bilingual, of course, offers lots of advantages. You can speak with more people, and — depending on potential cultural differences — gain valuable additional perspectives.

For a long time, researchers have wanted to know: does being bilingual offer additional cognitive benefits? Can it, in a meaningful way, help us think differently, and think better?

Some researchers — including my grad-school professor Gigi Luk — have argued that it increases cognitive control.

This possibility has been studied, for instance, with immigrants who learn a second language in Head Start.

However, this claim has long provoked controversy.

In this recent study, using highly sophisticated statistical procedures, researchers found that being bilingual did not improve executive function for Turkish immigrants to Germany.

What Should Teachers Do?

I have, over the years, seen studies on this topic go back and forth.

For instance, the Head Start research cited above seems quite persuasive. In that study, all students increased self-control during their Head Start year; after all, they were getting older.

Crucially, the students who also became bilingual showed greater increases in self-control. The likely explanation? The cognitive control required to be bilingual helps with other kinds of self-control as well.

And yet, as seen in the study of Turkish immigrants, that conclusion just might not be plausible.

So, my suggestions:

First: if your school currently makes strong claims about the executive-function benefits of bilingualism, you should think strongly about acknowledging the controversy in this field. That claim does have support. It also faces lots of strong counter-evidence.

Second: use this study as a reminder to seek out contradictory findings before you make changes to your classroom.

That is: if you hear persuasive research about topic X, be sure to look for anti-X research before you start X-ing.

Third: somewhat glumly, I wonder if this question ever can be answered finally and persuasively. The category “executive function” is alarmingly nebulous. And, the reasons that people become bilingual vary dramatically.

Given so many kinds of variety, I increasingly doubt we’ll be sure of an answer here.

With that point in mind, I think we should highlight this important point: learning a second language has value even if doing so doesn’t produce additional executive function benefits.

When we learn new languages, we create new opportunities to meet and connect with a world full of people. That benefit alone makes all that hard work worth while.

Factual Knowledge Must (Not?) Precede Higher Order Thinking
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Last year, Tom Sherrington put out a recap of “evidence-informed ideas every teacher should know about.”

His statement about Bloom’s taxonomy goes like this:

“Never teach in a way that relegates knowing things to the bottom of the pile, placing creativity and ‘synthesis’ at the top, or get overly bogged down in ideas about ‘higher order thinking skills’ as if they are separate from knowing things.  They aren’t.

Re-think your sense of Bloom’s taxonomy to view knowledge that is the foundation of all else – and knowing things for the sake of it is good. Because there is always a sake and knowing things never stifles creativity; one fuels the other.”

In this summary, Sherrington makes a strong case for the primacy of factual knowledge. In this view, learners simply can’t undertake “higher order” thinking skills — like synthesis or creativity — without a strong foundation of factual knowledge.

Among teachers, this principle may be best known from Daniel Willingham’s Why Don’t Students Like School? He sums up the matter briskly as chapter 2’s core principle:

“Factual knowledge must precede skill.”

Of course, many scholars have rejected this perspective. Best known among them, Jo Boaler has insisted that math education currently relies excessively on memorization of disconnected facts.

Rather that drill times tables, she argues, teachers should prompt inquiry, exploration, and curiosity.

In other words: we can get to the top of the pyramid without worrying overly about the bottom layer.

Yes, but What Does Recent Research Show?

Researcher Pooja Agarwal specializes in cognitive science, with a focus on memory formation. In fact, she’s particularly keen on doing research in classrooms — not just psychology labs — to ensure that research findings generalize to real-world learning.

(We’ve interviewed Dr. Agarwal for the blog before. And, she’ll be offering a one-day Learning and the Brain seminar on powerful teaching in April.)

Agarwal recently explored the relationship between factual knowledge and skill. Her findings might surprise you. (They certainly surprised me.)

Contra Willingham, Agarwal found that …

“…building a foundation of factual knowledge via retrieval practice did not enhance students’ higher order learning.”

Instead, students did best when the form of the practice questions matched the form of the test questions. (‘Higher order’ here means ‘higher on Bloom’s taxonomy.’):

“Fact quizzes enhanced final fact test performance and higher order quizzes enhanced final higher order test performance.”

That is: when students didn’t review a particular set of facts, they could still reason with them — as long as they had practiced doing that kind of reasoning.

Ultimately, Agarwal ends up advocating for “mixed” practice quizzes, which include both factual and ‘higher order’ questions. (Here‘s a link to her latest blog post summarizing this research.)

Lots More to Learn

Willingham has not yet responded to Agarwal’s study. I don’t doubt that he will; keep an eye out on his blog.

In fact: I haven’t seen any research response to this study. It will be a fascinating debate to watch.

I suspect one line of debate will go like this: Agarwal’s study creates a plausible way to measure the tension between “factual knowledge” and “higher-order thinking.” However, that difference as measured in this study might not be just what Sherrington and Willingham mean.

As you can infer, these differences get technical quickly. Rather than dig into them now, I think teachers should have two responses:

First: be very happy that thoughtful people will be rigorously testing this highly complicated question. We really do need to know the answer to this question…and we don’t yet.

In fact, we probably don’t even have the right vocabulary and the right categories to answer it yet.

Seconddon’t yet make any big changes based on this research.

I hope that Agarwal’s study will launch a fresh round of investigation. We should wait to see where that leads us before we make big school plans.

The Better Choice: Open- or Closed-Book Quizzes
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Psychology research offers lots of big ideas for improving student learning: self-determination theory, or the spacing effect, or cognitive load theory.

Once we make sense of that research, we teachers work to translate those big idea to practical classroom strategies.

In some cases, we can simply do what the researcher did. In most cases, however, we have to adapt their test paradigm to our specific classroom world.

So, for example, Nate Kornell explored the spacing effect with flashcards. He found that 1 deck of 20 cards produced more learning 4 decks of 5 cards. Why: a deck with 20 cards spaces practice out more than a deck with five cards.

That “big idea” gives teachers a direction to go.

But: we should not conclude that 20 is always the right number. Instead, we should adapt the concept to our circumstances. 20 flashcards might be WAY TOO MANY for 1st graders. Or, if the concepts on the cards are quite simple, that might be too few for college students studing vocabulary.

Translating Retrieval Practice

We know from many (many) studies that retrieval practice boosts learning.

In brief, as summarized by researcher Pooja Agarwal, we want students to pull ideas out of their brains, not put them back in.

So, students who study by rereading their notes don’t learn much; that’s putting ideas back in. Instead, they should quiz themselves on their notes; that’s pulling ideas out.

This big idea makes lots of sense. But, what exactly does that look like in our classrooms?

Over the years, teachers and researchers have developed lots of suggestions. (You can check out Dr. Agarwal’s site here for ideas.)

Thinking about retrieval practice, researchers in Germany asked a helpful question. In theory, closed-book quizzes ought to generate more learning than open-book quizzes.

After all: if my book is closed, I have to pull the information out of my brain. That’s retrieval practice.

If my book is open, I’m much likelier simply to look around until I find the right answer. That’s not retrieval practice.

These researchers wanted to know: does this sensible prediction come true?

The Results Please

Sure enough, closed-book quizzes do produce more learning. This research team retested students on information twice: one week after, and eight weeks after, they heard information in a lecture.

Sure enough, the students who took closed-book quizzes did substantially better than those who took open-book quizzes. (The cohen’s d values were above 0.80.)

In brief: we now have one more research-supported strategy for creating retrieval practice.

As always, I think we should be careful to think about limits on such research.

In the first place, this study took place with college students. If you teach younger students, and your experience tells you that an open-book strategy will work better under particular circumstances, you might ask a trusted colleague for a second opinion. Research like this gives us excellent guidance, but it can’t answer all questions.

In the second place, other variables might come strongly into play. For instance: stress. If your school culture has always allowed open-book quizzes, your students might freak out at the prospect of a closed-book alternative. If so, the benefits of retrieval practice might be lost to anxiety overload.

In this case, you’ll need to take the time to explain your reasoning, and to ease your students into new learning habits.

In any case, we can be increasingly confident that many varieties of retrieval practice produce the desirable difficulties that help students learn. (For a fun exception to this rule, click here.)

 

The Limitations of Neuroscience in Guiding Teachers
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

At a professional development talk on long-term memory formation, a teacher politely scolded me: I should have spent more time discussing alpha waves and gamma waves.

After all, she said, that was the really important stuff when it came to brains and learning.

Of course, the differences between alpha and gamma waves can fascinate us. And, pictures of various graphs can look dramatic — especially if the graphic designer has made the colors particularly attractive.

And yet, this kind of neuroscience information offers almost no useful guidance to teachers.

Here’s why.

What Should Teachers Do?

Pretend for the moment that we can plausibly say “this brain region shows gamma waves when it is learning, and alpha waves when it isn’t.”

(By the way, we almost never can say that plausibly. But, we’re pretending here.)

What should teachers do with that information?

Presumably we should ask: how can we reduce alpha waves and enhance gamma waves?

The answer to that question will always include a particular teaching practice. We should use retrieval practice. Or, we should space out repetitions. Or, we should reduce working memory load.

In every case, we know about the effectiveness of those teaching techniques by studying psychology, not neuroscience.

We can, of course, see changes in brain activity when use various classroom techniques.

But, we can determine their effectiveness only by measuring some behavioral outcome. Did the students do better on the test? Did they pay more attention to the stimulus? Or, did they demonstrate higher working memory scores? In every case, those are psychology questions.

Today’s News

I write about this topic every few months, because confusion between the two disciplines crops up fairly regularly.

For today, I want to highlight a blog post over at the Learning Scientists, where they’ve gathered several resources to explore this distinction.

Some of their resources explore the topic in a general way. The final link leads to a hot topic indeed: Daniel Willingham and Daniel Ansari challenge Jo Boaler and Tanya Lamar’s interpretation of neuroscientific data.

If you’ve been following debates about prior knowledge and math teaching, grab some popcorn and surf on over to that link.

The Best (Counter-intuitive) Sleep Advice You’ll Get This Year
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Most of us — and most of our students — need more sleep.

One reason we’re short on z’s: even once we get in bed, the stresses of the day keep us anxiously awake.

We could get more sleep if we could de-stress, and fall asleep faster.

But: how would we do that?

So Crazy, It Just Might Work

We’ve written before about “dumping” as a strategy to reduce stress before exams.

Could a similar strategy work before we go to bed?

Michael Scullin and colleagues hypothesized that students might stress about upcoming tasks. If so, they might feel less stress if they could somehow get a handle on those tasks.

Perhaps, to get that handle, students could make a to-do list of upcoming responsibilities.

To test his hypothesis, Scullin worked with adults (18-30) right before bed. Half of them wrote specific lists of their accomplishments during the day. The other half wrote specific lists of impending to-dos.

So, What Happened?

Of course, it’s possible this technique might backfire. If I write down tomorrow’s responsibilities, then I might ramp up my stress level as I worry about getting them done.

In this case, however, that’s not what happened.

On average, students who wrote to-do lists fell asleep ten minutes faster than those who cataloged their accomplishments.

(These results conceptually mirror those pre-exam stress studies, which show that “dumping” before an exam increases exam performance.)

I particularly like Scullin’s technique, because it’s so gosh-darn practical. Simply put, students can do this. It took only five minutes. And, it helped!

Because this is the first study looking at this technique, we don’t know about boundary conditions. I myself assume that, at some age, children are too young to be kept awake by their mental list of tomorrow’s responsibilities. If that’s true, perhaps some alternate form of writing might help.

Until we know about those boundary conditions, we should use our best judgment in recommending this strategy to students and parents.


h/t to Christine Martin for pointing out this study to me.

Studying Wrong Answers Helps Learn the Right Ones
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

With teaching as with baking, sometimes you should follow steps in a very particular order. If you don’t do this, and then that, and then the other, you don’t get the best results.

Two researchers in Germany wanted to know if, and when, and how, students should study incorrect answers.

To explore this question, they worked with 5th graders learning about fractions. Specifically, they taught a lesson about comparing fractions with different denominators.

(When studying this topic, students can’t rely on their instincts about whole numbers. For that reason, it’s a good subject to understand how students update conceptual models.)

They followed three different recipes.

One group of 5th graders saw only correct answers.

A second group saw both correct and incorrect answers.

A third group saw correct and incorrect answers, and were specifically instructed to compare correct and incorrect ones.

Which recipe produced the best results?

The Judges Have Made Their Decision

As the researchers predicted, the third group learned the most. That is: they made the most progress in updating their conceptual models.

In fact: the group prompted to compare right and wrong answers learned more than the group that saw only the right answers. AND they learned more than the group that saw (but were not prompted to compare) right and wrong answers.

In other words: the recipe is very specific. For this technique to work, students should first get both kinds of information, and second be instructed to compare them.

Important Context

I’ve held off on mentioning an important part of this research: it comes in the context of problem-based learning.  Before these 5th graders got these three kinds of feedback, they first wrestled with some fraction problems on their own.

In fact, those problems had been specifically designed to go well beyond the students’ mathematical understanding.

The goal of this strategy: to make students curious about the real-world benefits of learning about fractions with different denominators in the first place.

If they want to know the answer, and can’t figure it out on their own, presumably they’ll be more curious about learning when they start seeing all those correct (and incorrect) answers.

As we’ve discussed before, debates about direct instruction and problem-based learning (or inquiry learning) often turn heated.

Advocates of both methods can point to successes in “their own” pedagogy, and failures in the “opposing” method.

My own inclination: teachers should focus the on relevant specifics. 

In the link above, for example, one study shows that PBL helps 8th graders think about deep structures of ratio. And, another study shows that it doesn’t help 4th graders understand potential and kinetic energy.

These German researchers add another important twist: giving the right kind of instruction and feedback after the inquiry phase might also influence the lesson’s success.

Rather than conclude one method always works and the other never does, we should ask: which approach best helps my particular students learn this particular lesson? And: how can I execute that approach most effectively?

By keeping our focus narrow and specific, we can stay out of the heated debates that ask us to take sides.

And: we can help our students learn more.

How Can We Encourage Girls to Pursue STEM Disciplines?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

When we see alarming statistics about gender disparities in STEM disciplines, we quite naturally wonder how to fix this imbalance.

(This hope – by the way – isn’t simply a do-goody desire to sing “It’s a Small World After All.” If we believe that men and women can contribute equally to a scientific understanding of our world, then every girl discouraged is a contribution lost.

In other words: we ALL benefit if boys and girls contribute to science.)

So, how can we encourage girls to participate in science?

To answer this question, we might first answer a related question: what discourages girls in the first place.

If we can undo the discouragement, we are – indirectly but effectively – encouraging.

So, what discourages girls?

Is Science Education Itself the Problem?

Here’s a disturbing possibility.

When students learn about genetics, and specifically about the genetics of sex differences, they might infer that genders have a fixed, absolute quality. All boys (and no girls) are this way; all girls (and no boys) are that way.

It’s in the genes, see?

This set of beliefs, in turn, might reinforce a fixed mindset about gender and ability.

Through this causal chain, a particular science curriculum might itself discourage girls from pursuing science.

Yikes!

Researcher Brian Donovan and his team explored this question in a recent study. To do so, they asked students to read different lessons about genes and sexual dimorphism.

Some 8th – 10th graders learned about the genetics of human sexual difference.

Others learned about the genetics of plant sexual differences.

Others read a curriculum that explicitly contradicted the notion that genetic sex differences directly cause differences in intelligence and academic ability.

Did these curricular differences have an effect?

The Results Envelope Please

Unsurprisingly, students who learned that we can’t draw a straight line from genes to gender roles and abilities believed that lesson.

To make the same point in reverse: students who studied a seemingly “neutral” scientific curriculum – “we’re just talking about genes here” – drew unsupported conclusions about absolute differences between men and women.

Amazingly, this finding held true both for the students who studied the genetics of human sexual differences AND those who studied plant sexual differences.

WOW.

Perhaps surprisingly, students who learned that genetic sex differences don’t cause gendered ability differences also expressed a greater interest in science.

In particular, the girls who studied the “genetics only” lesson expressed meaningfully less interest in a science major than those who got the alternative lesson. (The two lessons neither encouraged nor discouraged the boys.)

But, Why?

Here’s the likely causal chain:

A science curriculum that focused “purely” on genetics seemed to suggest that men and women are utterly different beings.

Students who read this “pure” lesson inferred that some human abilities – like, say, scientific competence – might differ between genders.

This inference, in turn, made gender stereotypes (e.g., “men do better at science than women”) more plausible.

And so, the women who got that seemingly neutral science lesson, discouraged by the stereotype it reinforced, felt less inclined to pursue science.

By this roundabout route, a traditional science lesson might itself discourage students from learning science.

Alternative Explanations

Of course, the topic of gender differences – especially in the realms of math and science – can generate lots of energetic debate.

When I asked Donovan for alternative explanations for his findings, he was quick to emphasize that we need lots more research in this field. His is the first study done on this specific question. As always, teachers shouldn’t assume that any one study has found THE answer.

Some people do in fact argue that math and science ability (or interest) differ by gender because of genes. (Dr. Donovan explicitly rejects an explanation that moves directly from genes to gender differences.)

Here’s a recent book review by Lise Eliot, emphasizing that gender differences in brain regions

a) are often exaggerated and mis-reported, and

b) result from societies that emphasize gender differences.

For others – like Simon Baron-Cohen – that argument goes too far. Another recent study suggests that brains differ by gender in utero — that is, before socialization can have strong effects upon them.

Teaching Implications

Donovan’s research suggests that teachers can and should do more to be sure we’re not discouraging some students from particular academic interests and career paths.

For one set of practical suggestions, this interview with Sapna Cheryan outlines several ways we can promote “ambient belonging” in our classrooms.

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Rebecca Gotlieb
Rebecca Gotlieb

Young people with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) typically want social relationships but have trouble building them. Extensive social skills training research has been conducted with young children with ASD, but research about social skills training for young adults with ASD is scant. Elizabeth A. Laugeson has designed an evidence-based method of group training for young adults with ASD and other social challenges and their parents/caregivers. This training is designed to help the young adults with ASD develop skills and learn social rules to help them build the social and romantic relationships they seek.

Her book, PEERS® for Young Adults: Social Skills Training for Adults with Autism Spectrum Disorder and Other Social Challenges, is the product of years of research and clinical practice with this population. Laugeson is a clinical psychologist and assistant clinical professor at the University of California, Los Angeles Semel Institute for Neuroscience and Human Behavior. She also directs an ASD research alliance and an outpatient program to provide social skills training for people with ASD. She and colleagues have conducted and published rigorous randomized clinical trials of the Program for the Education and Enrichment of Relational Skills (PEERS®). The book, PEERS® for Young Adults,serves as a detailed manual for clinicians and educators about how to lead these coaching sessions so that they can support groups of young people (i.e., ideally 18- 24 years old) with ASD who wish to improve their social relations.

The program is designed around common social errors that people with ASD make. It is meant to be administered in its entirety and in the order described. It is likely to be most effective when the young adult participants want to be part of the program and seek more fulfilling social relations.  Laugeson provides a thorough explanation of what to do in each session. That is, each chapter presents the rationale for the session, explains how to review homework, describes a didactic lesson, and presents a new homework assignment. These assignments include tasks like having a phone conversation and enrolling in activities related to the young adult’s interest.  A key feature of the program is that it involves concurrent sessions with social coaching training for the parents/caregivers and active training for the young people with ASD. Parent/caregiver involvement is important so that the parents know how they can help their young adult. Each session concludes with the young adults and caregivers reuniting to debrief and plan for the next session together.

The group training program progresses through teaching how to: start and maintain conversations, find sources of friends, communicate electronically, use humor appropriately, enter and exit group conversations, hanging out with friends, indicate romantic interest, ask someone on a date, go on a date, and handle disagreements and bullies.  There are numerous helpful and ideas in these sessions.  For example, young adult participants should learn friendship is a choice, finding common interests with another person is a good way to start a conversation, trading information is key to social interactions, and remaining flexible to changes that may occur during social gatherings is necessary.

The guide is thorough in including behavioral management techniques, tools to help young adults and their caregivers assess progress and practice skills, role play demonstration descriptions with accompanying videos available online, perspective-taking questions, and a related mobile app called FriendMaker.

Laugeson’s research has shown that many young people with ASD have benefited from PEERS®training. This book makes it possible and practical for clinicians and educators to run PEERS®training on their own so that many more young people can learn these critical lessons and begin living happier, more socially-fulfilled lives.

Laugeson, E. A. (2017). PEERS® for young adults: Social skills training for adults with autism spectrum disorder and other social challenges. New York, NY: Routledge.

Can We Boost Our Students’ Self-Control?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

You have, no doubt, heard about this research before.

Walter Mischel tested preschoolers on self-control. In the famous “marshmallow test,” they got either one marshmallow right now, or two if they waited for fifteen minutes.

(I have to include an adorable video of children resisting marshmallows.)

Here’s the blockbuster part: the preschoolers’ performance on that test predicted their adult performance on similar self-control measures — four DECADES later.

And, as Roy Baumeister has shown, self-control influences … say … adult financial success. Or, likelihood of addiction. Or, even the odds that I’ll wind up in jail.

These paragraphs add up to a scary story. If self-control a) can be predicted in early childhood, and b) meaningfully shapes core adult behaviors and abilities, then we might worry about an individual’s capacity to determine his or her life’s direction.

And, we might particularly worry about a teacher’s ability to provide meaningful long-term help.

Ugh.

Bad News/Good News

A recent study sheds new light on this debate.

Here’s the headline: Y.E. Willems and others ran a meta-analysis on the heritability of self-control. Looking at 31 twin studies that included over 30,000 individuals, they conclude that overall heritabililty of self-control is 60%.

But what, precisely, does that mean?

For two reasons, I think this finding defeats the “scary story” I told a few paragraphs ago.

First reason: however you interpret “heritability,” we see that plenty of self-control isn’t determined by it. And, if self-control isn’t fully heritable, then the environment can influence it.

Who helps create environment? Teachers do.

In other words: all those self-control strategies we’ve been blogging about aren’t foolishly trying to defy genetic destiny. Instead, they’ve got plenty of room to work in.

“Heritabililty” Isn’t (At ALL) What We Think It Is

The second reason this research can calm our fears about the scary story gets technical.

“Heritability” sounds like it answers this question: “how much of a particular trait is determined by genes?”

In other words: how much does genetic variety explain dyslexia? Or, propensity for violence? Or, working memory capacity?

That’s not what heritabililty means.

Instead, heritabililty measures the amount of variation in a particular trait explained by genes.

This difference takes a long time to explain. Happily, we’ve got an expert ready to explain it.

Here’s Robert Sapolsky: Stanford professor (and 3-time Learning and the Brain speaker):

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OareDiaR0hg

As I said, this kind of analysis can be tricky to follow. But the core message is crucial:

Environment matters for the development of self-control.

Yes, of course, genes have an influence on our self-control. But, so does the environment in which those genes create proteins, which — after a staggeringly complex process — influence behavior.

All those self-control boosting techniques you’ve been hearing about at Learning and the Brain conferences: you can have confidence. They might not change everything overnight.

But, they can indeed help. And, studies about heritability don’t mean what we think they do, so they shouldn’t discourage us from trying.


By the way, Sapolsky’s book Behave goes into this topic with clarity, humor, and precision. If you want to understand the nuances of genetic and environmental interactions, it’s a splendid read.

 

 

A Handy Summary of Memory Definitions, for Teachers and Students
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Here‘s a quick summary of information about memory: sensory memory, working memory, long-term memory, and (crucially!) forgetting.

Author Steven Turner presents this brisk overview to combat “buzzword wasteland.” He fears the education-world habit of coming up with fancy new terms every six months or so. Rather than scamper after every new fad, he’d like us to focus on the enduring basics.

Like: memory.

I myself think of “sensory memory” as a part of our attentional systems. As long as teachers remember the key point — students have VERY little perceptual capacity for incoming sensory information — it doesn’t really matter what we call it.

The information on this page might all be review. However, as we know well, spaced repetition helps learning. A chance to rethink these topics right now will be beneficial to our understanding.