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Play More Chess, Get More Smarts?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

As the school year begins, we all want our students to learn more stuff.

cognitive training

We want them to learn phonics rules, or multiplication tables, or Boyle’s law, or the importance of the 13th amendment.

We also might want them to learn more general skills.

We’d like them to learn how to learn. Or, how to manage their emotions. Or, how to focus on one thing at a time.

Must we accomplish our goals by teaching each of those topics specifically? Or, can we teach students one basic skill to help them learn everything else?

“Brain Fitness”? Cognitive Training?

For example: almost all athletes need to have a strong core and high levels of aerobic fitness. If, as a coach, I focus my work there, I help my players get better in almost all sports simultaneously.

Is there a brain analogue for “core strength and aerobic fitness”?

One popular answer to this question is: chess.

We’ve got lots of research showing that chess players score better on IQ and working memory tests than the general population.

Does it follow then that chess training increases general intelligence? If yes, then chess lessons would help students learn to read, and solve quadratic equations, and understand mitosis.

The research giveth…

In the short term, the answer is: “just maybe yes!”

When researchers crunched lots of data in a “meta-analysis,” they might have been optimistic that such cognitive training works.

That optimism, alas, lasted only briefly:

These results may be considered “cautiously promising.” In fact, they are not. The size of the effects was inversely related to the quality of the experimental design. Specifically, when the experimental groups were compared with active control groups — … to rule out possible placebo effects… [or] the excitement induced by a novel activity — the overall effect sizes were minimal or null.

In other words: the better the research, the less likely it was to show any benefit. Almost certainly, general cognitive training led to improvement only because participants believed it would.

Practical Implications

The bad news: we just don’t have good evidence that chess, or working memory training, or music lessons improve other cognitive abilities.

(Of course, chess lessons make people better at chess. Oboe lessons make people better at playing the oboe.)

The good news: school works. When we want our students to learn how to analyze a poem, we can teach them to do so: one beautiful poem at a time.

Resources to Get Started with “Embodied Cognition”:
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

The field of embodied cognition has gotten increasing attention in recent years.

The short version is: because our brains are attached to our bodies — in fact, our brains are a part of our bodies — bodies can help brains learn.

embodied cognition

The right kind of gesture, for example, can increase math learning.

Recent Reseach

Susan Goldin-Meadow has written thoughtfully about the importance of gestures for learning.

Frederic Vallee-Tourangeau has shown how that the use of physical objects can lead students to flashes of insight.

Sian Beilock–one of my favorite researchers–has written an introductory book called How the Body Knows Its Mind.

Most recently, the Learning Scientists have put together a collection of helpful resources to investigate this topic.

If you’re looking for new ways to help your students learn, you’ll find lots to love there.

Let’s Get Practical: When Should Students Self-Test?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Psychology can offer advice to teachers, but sometimes that advice is frustratingly vague.

We know, for example, that attention is important.

We know that it results from a combination of three neural processes: alertness, orienting, and executive attention.

But: what do teachers DO with that knowledge? How do we teach any differently?

Retrieval Practice Timing

retrieval practice timingFor example, we’ve seen lots of research showing that retrieval practice helps students learn.

That is: rather than simply looking back over material, students should somehow quiz themselves on it.

They might use flash cards.

They might try a “brain dump”: just writing down everything they remember on a topic.

They can use quizlet to review key points.

Given that lots of student learning happens with textbooks, teachers have a very practical question: when should they do that retrieval?

Textbooks often include practice questions. Should students try to answer them as they go along? Or, should they wait until they have read the full chapter?

Happily, this question can be studied quite straightforwardly.

Uner & Roediger had three groups of students read a chapter from a science textbook.

One group did nothing to review.

A second group reread key passages from the book.

A third group answered the self-study questions in the textbook. Some of those questions appeared at the end of a section. Some appeared at the end of the chapter. And some appeared in both places.

Which group remembered this information better two days later?

Retrieval Practice Timing, and Beyond

Unsurprisingly, the students who reread the information remembered a bit more than those who did not. The rereaders averaged a 44.8 on the quiz, whereas the one-time readers averaged a 34.2.

The self-testers? They averaged a 61.5.

As we’ve seen before, self-testing is a HUGE help.

(By the way, you might think “61.5 is a terrible score. That’s almost failing!” However, this isn’t a class test; it’s a relative measurement. The point isn’t what the students scored, but how the groups scored compared to each other. The self-testers remembered much more.)

What about the timing? Is it better to answer questions at the end of the section, or the end of the chapter.

As it turned out, both times worked equally well. As long as students do the retrieval practice, it doesn’t particularly matter at what point in the chapter they do so.

Here’s the intriguing finding: questions answered twice — both at the end of the section and and the end of the chapter — led to even higher learning.

That might not sound surprising, but other researchers have found that one retrieval practice exercise produces as much benefit as two.

Keepin’ It Real

Psychology researchers could easily get focused on studies in the lab. They can control variables better; they’re faster to run.

I always feel especially happy to find researchers who keep their gaze on practical classroom applications.

In this case, we’ve learned: a) that retrieval practice helps students learn from textbooks, b) that students can answer relevant questions at any time and still get this benefit, and c) that two attempts to answer the question are (or, at least, might be) better than one.

Attack of the Teenage Brain!: Understanding and Supporting the Weird and Wonderful Adolescent Learner by John Medina
Rebecca Gotlieb
Rebecca Gotlieb

John Medina, developmental molecular biologist and New York Times best-selling author, has written a book about how to parent and teach teenagers in light of what we know about adolescent social, cognitive, and neural development.  In Attack of the Teenage Brain!: Understanding and Supporting the Weird and Wonderful Adolescent Learner, Medina emphasizes that designing better high schools will require us to consider the development of executive functioning skills during adolescence.

Paradoxically, while elementary schools and schools of higher education in the U.S. are exceptionally strong, our high schools have mediocre performance by international standards. Investing in executive functioning, or the skills that help us effectively and cooperatively get things done, may offer our best opportunity for improving U.S. high schools, Medina argues. Countries whose high schools perform better than ours, also have adolescents with stronger abilities to self-regulate, switch perspective, and temporarily store and manipulate information—the three core components of executive functioning. Medina reviews research by Walter Mischel (reviewed here by Learning and The Brain previously) that shows that the ability to delay gratification, a component of executive functioning, can predict many aspects of children’s future personal, academic, and career success.

To understand how to capitalize on adolescents’ executive functioning skills, it is helpful to understand how the brain changes during adolescence. Using clear, vivid, and accessible analogies, Medina explains several aspects of adolescent neural development that have implications for how we teach them. For example, adolescents’ limbic areas—areas responsible for many of our emotional responses—reach mature levels before the prefrontal cortex, an area responsible for decision-making, planning, and inhibition. This mismatching maturational profile partially explains why adolescence is a time of great vulnerability, why adolescents are more drawn to rewards than deterred by adverse consequences, why they are sensitive to peer influence, and why rational decision-making is still a work-in-progress during adolescence.

In light of these developmental vulnerabilities of adolescence, how could we design better schools for teenagers? The answer begins with factors outside of school. Feelings of safety and strong adult relationships are critical for learning.  Indeed, adolescents in homes that feel safe have stronger executive functioning abilities. Using a parenting style (or teaching style) that both sets high expectations of children and provides large amounts of emotional responsiveness and love benefits students’ executive functioning greatly, and thus also their performance in school. Similarly, modeling adult relationships (e.g., between two parents) where conflicts can be resolved using calm and honest communication can offer these same benefits.

Exceptional teachers can buffer against the effects of unstable relationships at home, but there is no substitute for good parenting. To help parents employ an ideal parenting style and model a healthy conflict resolution style, schools should provide night classes to parents to help them learn to create more stable relationships at home. A complementary change would be for high schools to require social-emotional learning initiatives that include a sequenced progression through skills, active application of skills, and a focus on a few critical social skills (e.g., empathy). These programs have been linked to students doing better in school and enjoying it more.

Age fourteen is the peak onset of mental health disorders. High schools should be designed to help navigate the mental health challenges that arise during adolescence. For example, while fewer than 20% of teenagers spend more than 20 minutes a day in physical activity, exercise has been linked to cognitive skill, academic performance, and cerebrovascular density in key brain areas. Most importantly, exercise is about as helpful as antidepressants in treating depression. Medina argues that a gym should be the center piece of a school and sitting time should be replaced with walking time.

Starting school later in the morning to align with the natural shift in sleep patterns that occur during adolescence could help improve mental health and academic performance, and actually save districts money in the long run. Electronic and social media use, and especially the stimulation of electronic multi-tasking, may be contributing to high rates of anxiety in adolescence.  Mindfulness exercise can be an antidote, helping to regulate emotions and mood, improve focus, and reduce pain. Medina calls for the integration of mindfulness practices into schools and the creation of mindfulness rooms.

As exemplified throughout this book, Medina makes an argument likely to resonate with Learning and the Brain readers—cognitive neuroscience and education typically are studied separately from one another, but to support adolescents’ success and development, we need to consider multiple forms of development together. Indeed the neuropsychologically derived principles that Medina suggests are likely to improve adolescents’ learning and well-being. Parents, teachers, and school administrators would do well to head his advice.

Medina, J. (2018).  Attack of the Teenage Brain!: Understanding and Supporting the Weird and Wonderful Adolescent Learner. Alexandria, VA: ASCD.

 

 

 

Nope: Brain Training Doesn’t Work, Volume 262…
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

This kind of story crops up often. But, given the popularity of “brain training games,” it merits repetition: “brain training” doesn’t work.

Of course, school works. We can train our brains to know new things: the history of the Silk Road, pre-calculus, geology, good pottery-wheel technique. We can’t, however, train up working memory or general intelligence in some artificial way.

Here’s the essential summary:

“We hypothesized that if you get really, really good at one [working memory] test by training for a very long time, maybe then you’ll get improvement on tests that are quite similar. Unfortunately, we found no evidence to support that claim,” says Bobby Stojanoski, a research scientist in the Owen Lab at Western’s world renowned Brain and Mind Institute and lead author of the paper. “Despite hours of brain training on that one game, participants were no better at the second game than people who tested on the second game, but hadn’t trained on the first one.”

To be clear: I hope that some day we figure out a brain training technique that works.

If we could increase our students’ working memory capacity, that would — I think — revolutionize human cognition. But, we just don’t know how to do so yet.

Here’s a link to the underlying paper. And here’s a link to more thoughts on brain-training flim flam.

Fresh News on your Laptop Ban
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

We all want to know if technology benefits learning.

divided attention

And yet, that question is far too large to answer sensibly. We need to focus.

Do laptops help learning. (There, that’s narrower.)

Do laptops help students take notes?

Do laptops help college students take notes during a lecture?

Now we’ve arrived at a question precise enough research.

Divided Attention?

In a recently-published study, Glass and Kang asked just such a precise question:

In college lecture halls, do technology distractions — especially laptops and cellphones — harm short-term learning? Do they harm long-term retention?

Because Glass teaches college lecture classes, he had the perfect opportunity to investigate this question.

The study design is straightforward. During half of the classes, his students were allowed to use technology. In the other half, they weren’t.

(The study design is a bit more complicated than that. Unless you’re really into research methodology, that’s the essential part.)

Did the absence of technology improve learning?

Divided Attention!

No. And, yes.

In the short term, the technology ban made no difference. Students did equally well on in-class quizzes whether or not they were distracted by their cellphones.

In the long term, however, the ban made a big difference. On the final exam, students scored higher on information they learned during distraction-free classes than on information they learned during classes where laptops were allowed.

How much better? About 7 points better. A jump from an 80 to an 87 is a lot of extra learning.

And here’s an essential point: students scored worse in classes where technology was allowed whether or not they themselves used technology.

As other researchers have found, technology distracts both the users and those around them. Divided attention interferes with retention, no matter whose cell phone does the dividing.

Practical Implications

This study shows, persuasively, that technology interferes with learning when it distracts college students from lectures.

However, it does NOT show that technology is bad for learning, or even that laptops and cellphones are bad during lectures.

In fact, the professor required students use their laptops and cellphones to answer retrieval-practice questions during class.

On “no technology days,” Glass had a proctor stand at the back of the lecture hall to ensure that no one used technology inappropriately. But: all Glass’s students used technology to help them learn. And they all used that technology during the lecture.

That is: technology wasn’t the problem. Misuse of technology was the problem.

To help our students learn, in other words, we needn’t ban technology. Instead, we should ensure that they use it correctly.

We might even share Glass’s research with them, and explain why we’re being so strict. They might not notice a problem in the short term. But in the long run, they’ll learn better with undivided attention.

Helping Today’s Students Have More Open Minds
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

I’m always right.

Perhaps you too are always right.

intellectual humility

And yet, if we disagree with each other, then one of us must be wrong.

Researchers Tenelle Porter and Karina Schumann wonder: how can we help those who disagree learn from each other?

In a recent study, they explore the topic of intellectual humility.

Intellectual humility starts with a “non-threatening awareness of one’s intellectual fallibility.” Porter and Schumann also focus on a “willingness to appreciate others’ intellectual strengths.”

In brief, I will benefit more from our disagreement if

a) I know I might have something to learn, and

b) I think you might have something to teach me.

How can we help our students think this way?

Familiar Paths, New Destinations

To promote intellectual humility, Porter and Schumann turned to Dweck’s theory of Mindset.

As you know, people with a growth mindset tend to believe they can get smarter if they do the right kind of mental work.

P&S reasoned that such folks might be more open to rethinking their opinions.

To test this idea, they turned to a familiar Mindset research technique.

They gave about 50 students an article “proving” that intelligence can be developed. Another 50 got a similar article “proving” that intelligence doesn’t change.

In other words: they encouraged the first group to adopt a growth mindset perspective. The second group, having seen that intelligence can’t change, would more likely adopt a fixed mindset perspective.

Sure enough, students in the growth mindset reading group more readily admitted mistakes that they made. They more often complimented others for being smart. They more actively sought out critical feedback. And they more quickly rejected the idea that people who disagreed with them must be wrong.

Put simply, a growth mindset promoted intellectual humility.

Important Reminders

First, whenever we return to mindset research, we should remember that fixed and growth mindsets are NOT set parts of our personality. They are responses to particular conditions.

All of us have a fixed mindset responses at some times, and growth mindset responses at others.

In this case, as you recall, the researchers caused students to adopt one perspective or the other simply by reading a brief article.

We can easily fall into the trap of dividing people into two enduring mindset groups. However, we all belong to both groups.

Second: the topic of “intellectual humility” is quite new. Although this early research sounds quite intriguing, we should expect to discover complexity — even contradiction — as the field develops further.

In the meanwhile, we can be glad to know that — in addition to all the other good things it does — a growth mindset helps students enter life’s inevitable disagreements with a greater likelihood of learning.

Do Stress, Age, or Stereotypes Harm Your Working Memory?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

We write a lot about working memory here on the blog, and so I was intrigued to see a review article summarizing 21 factors that might influence our WM performance.

Several of this article’s conclusions jumped out at me. Some reconfirm important points. Others just might surprise you. Certainly they surprised me.

Some headlines…

Gender

Debates about gender and learning, it seems, extend into the world of working memory research.

“No general consensus in the field exists when it comes to the relationship between gender and WM performance. Several researchers report that men have an advantage on spatial WM tasks and that women have an advantage on verbal WM tasks, some researchers report only a spatial advantage for men, and others report no differences at all between genders.”

Age

Unsurprisingly, working memory increases during adolescence — up until our early twenties.

To my surprise, Blasiman and Was report that declines in WM begin in our twenties. This decline is “constant and continuous.” That is: our working memory gets smaller gradually over time; it doesn’t drop off suddenly later in life.

Stress, and Beyond

I’m not surprised to see that stress interferes with WM. If I’m preoccupied with my bills, I won’t have as much WM left over to solve logic puzzles.

I am a bit surprised to read that dieting hampers WM. The authors suggest that my efforts to resist that Snickers distract me from the cognitive task at hand.

(Alas: even ineffective dieting produces this result. That is: I might have a lower WM score even if I’m not losing weight.)

By the way: we have lots of research connecting diet (not dieting) to WM. However, the review’s authors want further research to be persuaded. They currently consider evidence in this area to be “insufficient.”

Stereotypes

Many scholars have explored Claude Steele’s theory on Stereotype Threat.

Several researchers show that ST reduces working memory. Others have demonstrated that strategies to counteract ST help restore WM.

That is: once we identify the problem, we do have ways to fix it.

This conclusion strikes me as particularly interesting, given the recent skepticism about Steele’s theory. It is, of course, harder to argue that Stereotype Threat doesn’t exist if it has an effect on our working memory capacity.

We’ve Only Just Begun

Are you curious about the effect of mindfulness on WM?

Or, sleep?

How about temperature, or bilingualism?

Check out Blasiman and Was’s research here.

Why Do Piano Lessons Improve Language Skills?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

For some time now, we’ve had evidence that early musical training improves later language skills.

(Of course, not all evidence points this way.)

music and language

If it’s true that music lessons help language development, we might wonder why? What is the relationship between music and language?

Perhaps music training makes people generally smarter, and that “general smartness” improves everything — including language skill.

Or, perhaps those lessons improve students’ ability to hear sounds precisely — and that skill transfers to language improvement.

Which theory pans out?

Music and Language: Piano Lessons in China

Researchers in China worked with three groups of 4- and 5-year-olds.

Twenty five of them got six months of piano lessons. Twenty five got reading lessons. And twenty five got neither kind of training.

Did these children develop differently? That is: were their language skills different? Were there IQs different? How about their working memory scores?

On the general cognitive measures, all three groups advanced equally.

That is: IQ scores, working memory scores, and attention scores all improved — but they improved roughly the same amount for all three groups.

Music lessons (and reading lessons) didn’t slow down cognitive development, but they didn’t speed up that development either.

Music and Language: Vowels and Consonants

However, when it came to speech sounds, the different kinds of training did make a difference.

The 4- and 5-year-olds who studied piano, and also those who practiced reading, improved in their ability to recognize vowel sounds. And: they got better faster than those who did neither of those things.

Also: those who studied piano got better at recognizing consonant sounds faster than both the other groups.

Needless to say: recognizing consonants is really important in language processing. Children need to distinguish between “had” and “hat,” “morning” and “warning,” “choose” and “shoes.”

This study starts to answer our question. Music doesn’t make us smarter in a general way, but it does help us tell sounds and words apart.

The Bigger Picture

Researchers often want to know about “transfer.” Does learning one thing make me better at this other, largely unrelated thing.

For example: do piano lessons in childhood make me better at calculus in high school? (It’s really hard to be sure.)

This study offers evidence to support a kind of “near-transfer.” Learning to distinguish among musical sounds helps children learn how to distinguish among consonant sounds. (But, not vowel sounds.)

However, it does not support a “far-transfer” hypothesis. Music training didn’t make children “smarter,” at least not in the ways that we typically measure “smart.”

At the same time, other researchers have found a relationship between music lessons and memory.

As always, look at the very narrow claims that researchers make and support. We should resist the temptation to generalize — especially when we’re talking about “transfer.”

Problems in Science Communication, Part II: Too Little Skepticism
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

I spoke at this month’s Signs Summit in Chicago about problems in science communication. Here is the second half of what I said.

(You can find the first half, which focuses on “too much skepticism” here.)


We live in age that been called the “decade of the brain.” Of course, we’ve been saying that for about 25 years now, so we need a new phrase.

In this era of the brain (corpus callosum!), we can make almost any argument sound more persuasive (occipital lobe!) by throwing in fancy-but-irrelevant neuroscience terminology (ventral tegmental area!).

For instance, Deena Skolnick Weisberg’s team found that people can generally distinguish between coherent and circular science explanations. However: when Weisberg added irrelevant neuroscience terminology to those explanations, readers judged the circular explanations to be much more persuasive.

Weisberg’s team memorably describes this result as “the seductive allure of neuroscience.”

(This research has proven controversial. Some researchers rebut it, whereas others arrive at similar findings.)

The Real Problem Is…

The resulting problem is not exactly that people dress up good teaching advice with needless neuroscience language. (Although that happens.)

The problem is not exactly that people dress up bad teaching advice with needless neuroscience language. (Although that happens.)

The problem is that many teachers respond so positively when we do.

For example: teachers can get absorbed in the differences between alpha, beta, and gamma waves — although this distinction has no practical teaching implications that I know of.

In other words: although some teachers respond to outside experts with excessive skepticism, others respond to fancy brain terminology with inadequate skepticism.

Multi-tasking and Beyond

For example: I once heard an MBE speaker explain that limits in the “bandwidth of the corpus callosum” make multi-tasking impossible.

(The corpus callosum connects the two hemispheres of our brains.)

This information leads teachers to an obvious question: what can we do to increase the capacity of a student’s corpus callosum, and thereby facilitate multi-tasking?

One answer to that question is: nothing.

Another answer is: its capacity increases as our students mature, so we don’t need to worry about doing so artificially.

Another really important answer is: that factual statement is simply false.

(When I asked for the research supporting this claim, the speaker declined to provide it to me. “You’d need a PhD in neuroscience to understand it” was the extraordinary excuse.)

Although we do have neural processing limits that preclude multi-tasking, the corpus callosum itself is one of the largest and densest structures in the brain. The idea that its “limits” hamper multi-tasking is silly.

This false information, at best, distracts teachers from from the key point: brains don’t multi-task. We need to design lesson plans and assessments that don’t ask our students to do so.

At worst, this falsehood leads ultimately to disillusionment. When teachers discover that this expert was dressing up good advice with needless terminology, we’re less likely to believe experts who genuinely know what they’re talking about.

Reaching for a Solution

Because neuroscience terminology can seduce teachers, it can seduce those of us who explain brain research to teachers. How can we resist its allure?

The obvious answer inverts the Nike slogan: “Just Don’t Do It.” If the medial temporal lobe isn’t practically relevant to our explanation, we can just not mention it.

At the same time, I think we need a strategy to lead teachers away from this seductive allure. Here’s my mantra: “Don’t just do this thing. Think this way.

In other words: psychology and neuroscience communicators shouldn’t simply give teachers a list of instructions to follow. (Use visuals! Normalize struggle! Interleave topics!)

Instead, we should encourage teachers to think about learning with the helpful categories that cognitive science supplies.

Imagine, for example, that a teacher is creating a lesson plan. She recalls that, last year, this lesson went quite badly. What should she do?

I’m saying: that’s the wrong question. She shouldn’t just do this thing. She should think this way.

So, last year — did class go badly because of an attention problem?

The teacher thinks for a while. She concludes: Nope.

Was it a motivation problem?

Nope.

Was it a working memory problem?

Oh, wow: YES. Absolutely.

Okay, once you know it’s a WM problem, you’ve got a long list of potential solutions — which one sounds most likely?

This approach doesn’t explicitly reject neuroscience terminology. It simply redirects communication away from that set of questions. After all, teachers rarely say “well, that was an insula problem.”

The insula is cool and fascinating. But, we don’t know what to do about an insula problem. We have LOTS of ideas about solving working memory problems.

Two Sentences

In sum, researchers can overcome too much skepticism only by knowing a teacher’s world and work with the clarity that comes from LOTS of daily experience.

And, we can redirect too little skepticism by moving beyond specific teaching suggestions to fostering thinking habits that best shape teaching and learning.