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“We Can No Longer Ignore Evidence about Human Development”
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

The more teachers learn about neuroscience and psychology, the more we admire Dr. Mary Helen Immordino-Yang.

Unlike most researchers, she has spent time as a classroom teacher.

And, her extensive research—in both neuroscience and psychology—offers us wise perspectives on our craft.

For instance, she has zealously emphasized the inextricable connection between emotion and cognition—although we live in a society that wants to keep the two apart. As she has shown in her books and articles, we can’t think deeply about thinking without understanding the importance of feelings.

Thinking and feeling aren’t two different things. They’re names for distinct perspectives on the same thing.

(You can check out her essay in Mind, Brain, & Education: Neuroscience Implications for the Classroom, edited by David Sousa.)

More recently, working with Linda Darling-Hammond and Christina Krone, Dr. Immordino-Yang has published a lucid and practical summary of our field. In 20 jargon-free pages, she makes a strong case for focusing on development as an essential variable in schools and in learning.

You can download The Brain Basis for Integrated Social, Emotional, and Academic Development here.

That’s a mouthful of a title. But it synthesizes an impressive range of complex and vital topics: age-appropriate teaching strategies, neural development across the lifespan, epigenetics, even cultural well-being.

As an introduction to The Brain Basis, I interviewed Dr. Immordino-Yang. This transcript is edited for clarity and brevity.


Andrew:

You’ve packed a lot of information into this document. What’s your goal in putting it all together this way?

Mary Helen:

I wanted to tell a story about what it means to be a human being.

From there I thought we could think back to retrofit what are we doing in schools to support the development of our full humanity.

And so I aimed to tell a story of many fields—of biological, genetic, developmental, and cognitive research that would help people understand why human development and learning are so closely tied together.

Schools really can no longer ignore the new evidence about human development in thinking about our aims and our strategies in educational environments.

Andrew:

A big chunk of this brief talks about different developmental stages, and the appropriate educational strategies to use during each one.

Where you get the most pushback? What are people most surprised about?

Mary Helen:

One of the things that people have been very surprised about, and where I get a lot of pushback, is in adolescence. I talk about adolescence being a fundamental time of plasticity—but also of vulnerability.

And this means that teenagers really need deeply supported opportunities to explore alternate identities: scholarly ways of thinking and being, social ways of thinking and being.

This is a time when kids can develop very deep interests, and connect those interests to their world—how it is now, how it has been in the past, and how it could be different in the future– like they never have been able to do before to the same extent.

Schooling needs to capitalize on that. Yet we really do not in the way that standard schools are designed. In fact we directly undermine that kind of agency, that kind of exploration of self and ideas that’s just fundamental to adolescence.

Andrew:

In schools, I’m guessing that would mean more electives, fewer requirements. You’d like more open-ended, freeform opportunities for high school students?

Mary Helen:

Well, yes. But all that in the context of very strategic support and close relationships, in addition to intellectual and social opportunities to really get invested in important work: more like an apprenticeship model of schooling in adolescence, as compared to a didactic transfer model.

There are schools doing this extremely well. They tend to be schools built for kids one step away from failing out of society, though.

For example: The New York Performance Consortium Schools got special dispensations to not have standardized testing. Instead they do performance-based portfolio work as a graduation requirement.

These students were mostly at risk of failing [in their prior schools]. And then lo and behold, when you redesign their educational experience so it’s more of this apprenticeship model—students focus on broad, relevant problems—they begin to think in scholarly ways. They develop deep understanding and explore innovative solutions.

These kids go on to college at far higher rates. They’re graduating college. They’re just ever so much more engaged than their peers.

We’ve got this misunderstanding that when kids are doing poorly and flailing around, you want to double down on discipline. You want to straighten them out and get them on the straight and narrow. Control them first, and then you can teach them.

In fact what you need to do is offer them opportunities to really utilize the energy that they have, and to question and rethink their ideals, to build their deep desire for inventing themselves. And give them a creative, scholarly, structured outlet in which to productively explore that.

Andrew:

And, as you say, that makes a lot of developmental sense.

Let’s change gears. This document talks about three essential brain networks: the Executive Control Network, the Default Mode, and the Salience Network.

This is essentially a neuroscientific way of thinking about learning.

Another approach is the psychological approach: let’s think about motivation, let’s think about attention, let’s think about working memory.

When you talk with teachers about this neuroscientific approach, does it deepen their understanding of the psychological framework? Does it conflict with it? Does it confuse it?

Mary Helen:

I think it really does [deepen their understanding]. I hope it does. My aim was to teach educators about the dominant models of brain development right now.

There are hundreds and hundreds of studies demonstrating how these networks work. And those networks had really not been explained to educators to this point.

What you notice about them is: none of them is emotional or cognitive. These networks are both [emotional and cognitive] all the time. No one of them is the social network. They all have a role to play in sociality.

Andrew:

In the past you’ve written that there’s relatively little neuroscience that teachers need to know. So this approach is quite a change for you.

Mary Helen:

Well, not really. What I really think people do need to know is about human development. And one of the sources of evidence is neural development.

Understanding the basic functionality of the [neural] system is important for supporting the development of the person.

And don’t get me wrong: in some of the best schools in the world the teachers don’t know diddly squat about brain development.

But they really, really understand what their aim is for their students. They know in a deep way about the kinds of thinking and relating and reflection that they want their students to be capable of.

And in that case you don’t need the neuroscience anymore.

I think we need it in the United States because we have such a faulty model of how learners learn, and what to do when they’re not doing as well as we would like.

I’ve written several papers about the default mode network for example. We in education are potentially undermining the development of deep thinking, deep understanding, deep integration of content because of our overly task-oriented focus.

We shift people into an outwardly directed task-oriented state too much at the expense of reflection and synthesis that happens internally in a narrative constructive process.

Andrew:

So much of our vision of good teaching is a kind of a performance. It’s external, it’s what the students are doing.

Mary Helen:

That’s right. It’s about what you do, it’s not about how you think. And good thinking takes time. It takes skills for reflecting. Those skills are often neglected in our schools.

We have this kind of “frantic productivity model” which is basically a lie about what meaningful accomplishments students are actually accomplishing.

Andrew:

The “frantic productivity model” sounds a lot like schools where I’ve worked.

American education has been battling between constructivism—“inquiry-based” and “project-based learning”—on the one hand, and direct instruction on the other.

Your brief is calling for a truce. You say that these approaches can work well together, and we’re looking for a wise balance.

My question is: as a teacher how do I know when I’ve gotten that balance right? What does that feel like? What does it look like?

Mary Helen:

Yeah, great question.

So here’s the thing: this is where the teaching skill comes in.

And what skill do you need to have? What teaching artistry do you need to have? You need to deeply understand your students, and deeply understand your aim for them.

What’s your intent in the lesson?

Too much of what we do in education is designed around an outcome—a “learning outcome.”

Instead, it should be designed around this question: what are the kinds of mental capacities and habits of minds that students will be practicing?

To balance constructivism with direct instruction, think about the how much more than the endpoint. And then the answer will look really different in different contexts: different kids, different content, different supports and scaffolds, at different times.


At this point, our conversation turned to a description of a specific school focusing exactly on these complex questions and difficult choices.

That discussion was so interesting that it deserves its own blog post. I’ll have that live for you within the month.

Why Do Choices Interfere with Your Learning?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Perhaps you’ve heard of the famous experiment.

If you give shoppers many jam choices to sample, they’re delighted to taste your wares. But, if you give them fewer choices, they’re more likely to — ahem — buy some jam.

choices harm learning

In other words: choices both motivate and demotive in a complex pattern.

What effect might this finding have on education?

Choices Overwhelm Brains? Choices Harm Learning?

In a recent study, Elena Reutskaja and colleagues explored the neural basis of this intriguing finding.

They gave study participants choices about the image to be printed on a tee-shirt or mug. Crucially, some got a few choices: 6. Others got more choices: 12. And others got A LOT more: 24.

What happened in participants’ brains?

The short version: two crucial brain regions behaved differently with 12 choices.

The anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) and the striatum showed more activity when given a manageable number of choices than when they had too many or too few.

By the way: the prefrontal cortex showed a similar pattern, but to a smaller degree.

(Important wonky caveat: more brain activity ISN’T always better. In this case, more activity in these regions coincided with self-reports of greater pleasure.

In other cases — say, dyslexia — more brain activity coincides with lots of reading difficulty.)

These results mean that we’ve got two reasons to think too many choices are bad.

Firstbehaviorally, people react badly with too many choices. (If you try to navigate the toothpaste section of your local CVS, you know what I mean.)

Secondneurobiologically, brains react badly with too many choices.

In other words, those people running the behavior experiments weren’t making things up or misreading the data. Instead, they identified real problems.

Teaching Implications

We might reasonably start with the presumption that choices enhance learning. The more that our students get to choose what they’re doing, the more intrinsically motivated they will be.

However, as we see more and more studies like this one we realize that — just possibly — choices harm learning. Faced with more options than they can readily process, students feel their ACC shut down.

The result: not more learning and motivation, but less.

What, then, is the perfect number of choices?

One answer is: the authors suggest between 8 and 15.

A much better answer: honestly, research really can’t answer that question.

In the first place, they’re currently doing research with consumers getting choices to buy stuff. That’s not the situation our students are in.

In the second place, this research pool works with adults. Almost certainly, younger students can manage fewer choices than older students — who manage fewer than adults.

In the third place, the “choices” that students make vary in complexity. If I have to define 5 of 6 vocabulary words, that’s a straightforward process.

If, however, I have to solve 5 of 6 calculus problems, then I’m likely to start the early steps of solving each one to test out their trickiness.

In this case, I’ve got A LOT more info rattling around in working memory, even thought the number of choices has remained the same.

In other words, the correct number varies from case to case to case. As is so often true, you — the classroom teacher — will have the best vantage point from which to suss out the answer.

 

US vs UK: Edutwitter Styles
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

If you follow education debates on Twitter, you may have noticed stark differences in tone between your US and UK colleagues.

Blake Harvard recently posted on these differences — trying to understand and explain them.

He ultimately prefers the UK approach, although it can be rough-and-tumble for American tastes.

He also has recommendations for changing American EduTwitter:

Admit ignorance and ask questions…I constantly inquire with those who know more than me to learn more.  I’ve never been turned away or treated rudely for asking. If someone does act less than friendly for being asked to clarify or elaborate, they probably aren’t too sure of their own beliefs or need to be avoided anyway.

I encourage you to read the entire post.

10,000 People Talk About Sleep and Cognition
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Most of the research studies I read include a few tens of people. Sixty or eighty is good; more than 100 is rare. I’ve seen published studies with an even dozen.

sleep and cognition

So when I hear about a study with over 10,000 participants, I sit up and take notice.

In this case, researchers in Canada asked people to fill out online surveys about sleep, and to take cognitive tests. Given their astonishing data pool, they can reach firm conclusions about the questions they’ve asked.

Sleep and Cognition: Firm Conclusions

Some of these conclusions will sound quite predictable. Others will surprise you. They certainly surprised me.

First, if you want optimal cognitive function, roughly 7-8 hours of sleep gives you the best results. (Assuming that “you” are an average person. Of course, not everyone is average.)

Second, that number doesn’t change with age. (See below for an important caveat.) That is: 30-year-olds and 80-year-olds think best with the same amount of sleep.

Third, too much sleep muddles cognition as much as too little sleep. As someone who likes sleeping, I’m sorry to say this but: the graphs don’t lie.

Fourth, non-optimal sleep doesn’t harm short-term memory. Researchers tested short-term memory with the “spatial span task.” Participants had to remember which boxes flashed green, and press them in the same order. Here’s an example:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zWO_w3m4NQs

Instead, non-optimal sleep fuddles reasoning skills (like executive function and deductive reasoning) and verbal skills (like verbal working memory).

Of course, school requires A LOT of reasoning and verbal skill. No wonder sleep-deprived (or sleep-surfeited) students struggle.

(By the way, fifth, 48.9% of the participants didn’t get enough sleep.)

And, sixtha good night of sleep really does help. That is: people who got even one good night’s sleep before the test saw a measurable uptick in their cognitive performance.

Caveats

From a researcher’s standpoint, it’s important to note that this team didn’t draw on a random sample. These participants volunteered by coming to a particular website.

And, all of the data here come from self-report. People could be deceiving the researchers. They could also be deceiving themselves.

From a teacher’s standpoint, we should note the age cut-off for this study: 18 years. K-12 students might see similar patterns. That is: their short-term memory might be fine after low-sleep nights, while their reasoning and verbal skills suffer.

Or, entirely plausibly, younger people might see different effects. We just don’t know.

A Final Note

In my experience as a high-school teacher, my colleagues (and I) experienced sleep deprivation as much as our students did.

We should, of course, encourage our students to get enough sleep. (We should also schedule the class day to fit our students’ sleep cycles.)

Now that we’ve seen this research into the connection between sleep and cognition, we should also take better care of ourselves.

Inventing Ourselves: The Secret Life of the Teenage Brain by Sarah-Jayne Blakemore
landb
landb

More than any other life stage adolescence is derided and characterized as an unpredictable, turbulent storm. In Inventing Ourselves: The Secret Life of the Teenage Brain, University College London cognitive neuroscience professor Sarah-Jayne Blakemore argues that we need to stop disparaging adolescence and instead recognize it as a critical time for building identity. Further, we need to support young people in this process. Blakemore explains how adolescents develop socially and neurologically, how that development shapes behavior, and how it impacts who young people will become. Inventing Ourselves will be useful for educators wishing to understand better people who are between puberty and adulthood (roughly ages 12-25) and for developmental psychologists wishing to explore how brain and behavior develop after childhood.

Adolescence is a distinct period of life observable across all human cultures and across numerous animal species. During adolescence most people develop a stable sense of who they are and how they would like to be viewed by others. Identity development is shaped by environment and by some of the social changes that occur during adolescence. For example, adolescents are more likely to engage in social comparison, value others’ opinions, attend to cultural norms, spend less time with parents and more time alone or with friends, experience embarrassment, and wrongly assume others care or notice their own behavior.

Interestingly, the pattern of brain activity that supports the ability to think about oneself changes during adolescence, which may correspond to these behavioral changes. Conversely, social experiences during adolescence can change the brain. For example, social exclusion results in more mood disturbance and anxiety for adolescents than for adults, and isolation during this period can have long lasting impacts on brain structure, hormone levels, and long-term behavior. For adults the effects of isolation on the brain are not as dramatic.

More generally, the brain undergoes substantial change during adolescence. Gray matter volume decreases and white matter volume increases. The prefrontal cortex, an area associated with decision-making, self-control, and self-awareness undergoes substantial, protracted development during adolescence. A network of regions that supports the ability to understand others’ minds undergoes anatomical maturation through early adulthood.

Blakemore also discusses the “mismatch hypothesis” of adolescent brain development. That is, the limbic system, which is involved in reward sensitivity, matures on average earlier than the prefrontal cortex. This mismatch may explain adolescents’ risk-taking because rewards may be especially alluring and self-control may be limited. Importantly, Blakemore notes that there is individual variability in the extent to which a mismatch exists. Although major changes in the brain level off by adulthood, brains can always continue to change with experience.

Adolescence can be a dangerous time. Adolescents’ penchant for risk-taking can lead them to have deadly accidents. Extensive consumption of cannabis and alcohol can reduce cognitive ability later in life and can cause more damage to the brain than an equal amount of consumption in adulthood would cause. Additionally, three-fourths of mental illnesses emerge by the end of adolescence. Fascinating brain research suggests that we may be able to detect differences in young peoples’ brains that would be predictive of whether they will go on to develop mental illnesses such as schizophrenia.

Informed by a body of research about the messages to which adolescents are responsive, Blakemore advises, “if we want to curb certain kinds of risk-taking in young people, it would be a good idea to focus on the immediate, social consequences of actions and decisions rather than, or as well as, delivering earnest warnings about long-term repercussions.” She argues also that mindfulness training might be a way to improve self-control and well-being and reduce mental health issues in adolescents.

Blakemore describes the value of understanding adolescents’ brains and behavior for supporting education. She suggests that adolescents’ proclivity for risk-taking should be harnessed in schools to push adolescents to take intellectual risks. She suggests that high schools should start later so that students are not deprived of sleep. Brain research shows that adolescents’ circadian rhythms are shifted later than adults, and behavioral evidence suggests that adolescents are not sleeping enough. A final suggestion is that in determining punishments for adolescents’ transgressions, we should remember that adolescents have tremendous potential for change, they are biologically disposed to riskiness, and they may be more likely to learn from rewards than from punishments.

Adolescents, more than people at other stages, are creative, passionate, and eager to learn from new people and experiences. All around us there are examples of inspiring young people making an impact in society, overcoming obstacles, and building better lives for themselves and others. We need to honor adolescence for what it is—a time of identity development—and support adolescents because of what they are—our hope and our future.

Blakemore, S.J. (2018). Inventing Ourselves: The Secret Life of the Teenage Brain. New York, NY: Public Affairs.

Choosing a Knowledge-Rich Curriculum: Pros and Cons
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Should our curriculum focus on knowledge or skills?

Jon Brunskill debates this question with himself in this thoughtful post.

Brunskill does offer a strong conclusion in this debate. But just as important: the way he frames the discussion.

Following Rapoport’s Rules to Promote Civil Discourse (which I haven’t heard of before), Brunskill sets himself several tasks.

First, he summarizes the opposite belief as accurately and fairly as he can. (The goal, according to Daniel Dennett, is that the other person say “Thanks, I wish I’d thought of putting it that way.”)

Second, he notes his points of agreement with that position, and (third) what he has learned while thinking about it.

Only then, fourthdoes he get to express his disagreement, and advocate for a distinct point of view.

(By the way: you haven’t accidentally skipped a paragraph. I’ve deliberately not said what his conclusion is, because I want to focus on his methodology.)

The Takeaway

You might agree with Brunskill’s conclusion. Or, you might emphatically disagree with it.

If the latter, great news! You have an opportunity to follow his example.

How might you summarize his position as fairly as possible?

What do you agree with?

What did you learn?

Once you’ve answered those questions, then your rebuttal will be more persuasive, and more beneficial to the debate. I suspect it will also be more beneficial to you.

Surprise: The Adolescent Brain Isn’t Broken
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Chapter 2 of Inventing Ourselves: The Secret Life of the Teenage Brain kicks off with a teenager’s diary entry from April of 1969:

I went to arts centre (by myself!) in yellow cords and blouse. Ian was there but he didn’t speak to me. Got rhyme put in my handbag from someone who’s apparently got a crush on me. It’s Nicholas I think. UGH.

Man landed on moon.

This anecdote marvelously captures common perceptions of adolescence.

adolescent brain

Self absorbed. Dotty about crushes and boys/girls and clothes. Too addled by hormones to focus on epochal events — like, say, Neil Armstrong’s small step onto the moon.

In Defense of the Adolescent Brain

Researcher Sarah-Jayne Blakemore would like to change your mind about all of these perceptions.

Drawing on decades of research, she focuses on one essential claim. Teenagers’ brains aren’t incomplete versions of adult brains. They’re not hyper-hormonal versions of children’s brains.

Instead, adolescence results from distinct, meaningful neural developments. Teenagers do the developmental work that their life stage calls upon them to do. Their brains help them along with exactly this task.

The Stories that Science Tells

More than most researchers, Blakemore manages to describe scientific studies precisely and readably.

You get a very clear picture of what researchers did, and why they designed their experiments as they did. And: what they learned from doing so.

And yet, you’re never bored or baffled. Blakemore’s descriptions just make sense.

(I try to do exactly this almost every day on this blog, so I can tell you: that’s REALLY hard to do well.)

As a result, you’ll come away with a clearer understanding of the cognitive developments that take place during the teenage years.

Also, some of the surprising deficits. (Teenagers are worse than 10-year-olds at recognizing emotional facial expressions!)

By the way: teens also don’t recognize the difference between high- and low- stakes as well as we would expect.

Because of Blakemore’s clarity, you’ll also know how we know each of these truth.

Conclusions

Blakemore doesn’t end with a step-by-step program for teaching or parenting teens.

Instead, she offers a way of thinking about this vital stage of development.

She helps us step back from day-to-day adolescent conflicts to see the bigger neuro-biological picture.

For example: it’s not just teenagers who drink more alcohol with their peers. Adolescent MICE drink more alcohol when surrounded by other adolescent mice. No, really. (See page 4.)

She also resists the popular temptation to rage against technology use. Based on her lab’s analysis (undertaken by one-time LatB blogger Kate Mills), we don’t really know enough about technology use to draw firm conclusions about its perils.

In particular, we don’t have good at all about the influence of adults’ technology use on the children around them.

In brief, we should read Blakemore’s book not for quick solutions but for long-term perspectives.

 

The Limits of Retrieval Practice, Take II…
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Just two weeks ago, I posted about a study showing potential boundary conditions for retrieval practice: one of the most robustly supported classroom strategies for enhancing long-term memories.

As luck would have it, the authors of that study wrote up their own description of it over at The Learning Scientists blog. Those of you keeping score at home might want to see their description of the study, and their thoughts on its significance.

The short version: boundary conditions always matter.

We should assume they exist, and look for them.

A teaching practice that works with some students — even most students — just might not work with my students.

In that case: I’m happy it helps the others, but I need to find the strategy that will work with mine.

This Is Your Amygdala on a Cliff…
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

If you’ve seen the documentary Free Solo, you know about Alex Honnold’s extraordinary attempt to climb a 3000 foot sheer rock face.

Without ropes. Without protective gear of any kind.

And without, it seems, a typically functioning amygdala.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nF-7H5Dk26E

Free Solo briefly mentions Honnold’s visit to Jane Joseph’s lab. (You see a quick image in this trailer.)

At the time, Joseph studied high sensations seekers: people who are “drawn to intense experiences and are willing to take risks to have them.” That is, for example, people who habitually scale sheer walls of granite.

(Descriptions of Honnold’s visit appear in J. B. MacKinnon’s excellent essay: “The Strange Brain of the World’s Greatest Solo Climber.”)

The Case of the Quiet Amygdala

Using fMRI scanning, Joseph’s team examined Honnold’s brain. In particular, they focused on the reactivity of his amygdalae.

These  small, almond-shaped regions of the brain sit at the tip of the hippocampus. Their function, simply put: to process strong negative emotions, like fear.

(For scrupulous readers, “amygdala” is singular; “amygdalae” is plural.)

Jane Joseph — like many others — wanted to know: did Honnold’s amygdalae react differently than those of others?

To test the question, she showed him 200 pictures, many of them gruesome or disgusting: “corpses with their facial features bloodily reorganized; a toilet choked with feces.”

Neurotypical observers — like the control subject Joseph also scanned — show strong reactions to these images.

Honnold’s amygdalae? Nothing. Nada. Bupkis.

Explaining the Inexplicable

MacKinnon describes Honnold’s free climbing this way:

“On the hardest parts of some climbing routes, his fingers will have no more contact with the rock than most people have with the touchscreens of their phones, while his toes press down on edges as thin as sticks of gum.”

Honnold’s quiet amygdalae might explain his fearlessness. But, what explains his quiet amygdalae? How can you stand 2000 feet about the ground on a stick of gum without gut-tormenting terror?

amygdala

(If you’re like me, your palms start sweating when you see him standing there. Now, imaging being there…)

To be clear, we should note that Honnold does have amygdalae. The MRI scan shows them, looking perfectly normal.

(Very rarely, some people have deformed or absent amygdalae. They don’t typically grow up to be free soloists, but they do demonstrate much less fear than others.)

Two explanations might help us understand Honnold’s remarkable brain. [Edit: to be clear, both these explanations appear in MacKinnon’s article.]

In the first place, genetic variability creates a range for all human functions and characteristics. For example, men average a height of just under 5’10”. The tallest man, however, towers at 8’2″.

In this case, Honnold might have — by the luck of the genetic draw — extremely under-reactive amygdalae.

Beyond Genes

In the second place, he might also have developed techniques for re-evaluating scary/terrifying situations. By mentally “reviewing the tapes” of his climbs, by deliberately re-evaluating them calmly and rationally, he can desensitize himself to the fear that would grip practically anyone else.

In other words: a combination of nature (genetics) and nurture (deliberate re-evaluation) might tame Honnold’s amygdalae, and allow him to face extra-ordinary terrors with extra-ordinary calm.

In just the right conditions, our brains can help our bodies do almost anything. Like: scaling a cliff with preternatural sang-froid.

 

To hear Honnold talk about his experience of fear, click here.

For other strategies to calm the amygdala, click here.

To learn A LOT more about emotions and fear, read Joseph LeDoux’s The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life. Also, Behave by Robert Sapolsky.

Edited to credit MacKinnon’s article explicitly for the two explanations of Honnold’s unusual neural inactivity.

Ask a Simple Question, Get an Oversimplified Answer
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

handwritten notes

If learners were widgets, then educational research would be simple. The same teaching technique would work (or not work) equally well for all students.

It would also help if all teachers were widgets. And, if we all taught the same topic the same way.

We could ask simple research questions, get uncomplicated answers, and be ENTIRELY CERTAIN we were doing it right.

A Sample Case: Handwritten Notes

For example, if all students were identical, then we could know for sure the best way to take notes in class.

(It would help if teachers all taught the same way too.)

Are handwritten notes better than laptop notes? Vice versa? The study design couldn’t be simpler.

Mueller and Oppenheimer famously argue that “the pen is mightier than the keyboard.” (I’ve argued strenuously that their research does not support this claim, and probably contradicts it.)

But what if the question just can’t be answered that simply?

What if students do different things with their notes?

What if the classes in which they take notes are different?

Really, what then?

Mixing It Up

Linlin Luo and colleagues explore these questions in a recent study.

Happily, they start from the assumption that students use notes in different ways. And, that professors’ lectures include important differences.

For example: some students take notes, but don’t review them. (They probably should…but, there are LOTS of things that students probably should do. For instance, attend lectures.)

Others students do review the notes they take.

Some lectures include lots of visuals. Others don’t include many.

Once we start asking more complicated questions … that is, more realistic questions … we start getting more interesting answers.

More Interesting Answers

What did Luo and colleagues find? Unsurprisingly, they found a complex series of answers.

First: students who didn’t review their notes before a quiz did better using a laptop.

Second: students who did review their notes did better taking handwritten notes.

Third: in both cases, the differences weren’t statistically significant. That’s a fancy way of saying: we can’t say for sure that the laptop/handwriting distinction really mattered.

Fourth: unsurprisingly, students who took handwritten notes did better recording visuals than did laptop users. (Students who took laptop notes basically didn’t bother with visuals.)

Advice to Teachers and Students

What advice can we infer from this study? (And: from its analysis of previous studies?)

A: teachers can give students plausible guidance. “If you really will study these notes later, then you should take them by hand. But, if you really won’t, then use a laptop.”

B: teachers who present a lot of visuals should encourage handwritten notes. Or, make copies of those visuals available.

C: given that the differences weren’t statistically significant, we might encourage students to use the medium in which they’re more comfortable. If they (like me) have dreadful handwriting, then maybe they should use a laptop no matter what.

D: I continue to think — based on the Mueller and Oppenheimer study — that we should train students to take notes in a particular way. If they both use laptops AND reword the teachers ideas (rather than copying them verbatim), that combination should yield the most learning.

Most importantly, we should let this study remind us: simple answers are oversimplified answers.

If you’d like to meet two of the researchers who worked on this study, check out this video:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BfCZ0K0HoJE