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Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Now that you’ve been to LaTB, we’d love to hear your story.

What did you learn? What did you try? How did it go?

If you’d like to share your experience, please send me an email with:

  • Who you are and what you do.
  • The research and the researcher that inspired you (and, at which conference you heard this idea).
  • What you did with this inspiration.
  • The results you saw.

Please be sure to include a specific source (a book or article) for the ideas that you tried. And, keep in mind that you’re writing for a blog audience—short and punchy entries are especially welcome.

We won’t be able to publish every entry, but…we hope to hear from you!

[email protected]

[email protected]

Research Morsel: Digital Media vs. Flourishing
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

 

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The Findings: Researchers at Brown University1 have found that increased time spent on “digital media” reduces the likelihood of “flourishing.” For example, students who spent 2-4 hours on digital media were 23% less likely to complete homework than those who spent 0-2 hours.

Those who spent more than 6 hours (!) on digital media were 63% less likely (!!) to finish homework than their 0-2 hour peers.

Screen time impedes other kinds of growth. Extra minutes on digital media reduce the likelihood that students will complete tasks that they have started, or remain calm under pressure.

Surprise #1: This result holds true despite age, gender, or socio-economic status. Stereotypes might suggest, for instance, that girls can handle digital distraction better than boys can, but…at least in this study…not so much.

Nagging Questions:

At least so far, these researchers haven’t reported the effects of meaningful subcategories. Are all kind of digital media equally bad?

After all, other studies have shown cognitive benefits for some video games: for example, Portal2, or Starcraft3. One HUGE study (27,000 French middle schoolers) found that video games had basically no effect on academic performance4.

I also wonder: as teachers increasingly assign homework that might be done on a tablet, what effect does academic digital media time have on these findings? Do our efforts to join our students’ digital lives in fact impede their learning?

Is the problem here simply distraction from schoolwork? For example: if a student spends more than 6 hours a day (!) building snow forts, what effect does that have on the likelihood she will finish her homework?

The research hasn’t been published yet, so we’re still relying on the authors’ own summaries.

 

  1. American Academy of Pediatrics. (2016, October 21). More time on digital devices means kids less likely to finish homework: Study finds dose-dependent relationship between time spent watching TV, playing video games or using a smartphone and tablet, and the chances a child will regularly finish homework. ScienceDaily. Retrieved November 12, 2016 from sciencedaily.com/releases/2016/10/161021122236.htm
  2. Shute, V. J., Ventura, M., & Ke, F. (2015). The power of play: The effects of Portal 2 and Lumosity on cognitive and noncognitive skills. Computers & Education80, 58-67. [article]
  3. Glass, B. D., Maddox, W. T., & Love, B. C. (2013). Real-time strategy game training: emergence of a cognitive flexibility trait. PLoS One8(8), e70350. [article]
  4. Lieury, A., Lorant, S., Trosseille, B., Champault, F., & Vourc’h, R. (2014). Video games vs. reading and school/cognitive performances: a study on 27000 middle school teenagers. Educational Psychology, 1-36.

On Average, the Average is Off
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

 

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Here’s a potential headline:

BOOK ON STATISTICS MAKES GRIPPING READING

Or, another:

COMMONLY USED SCHOOL METRICS MOSTLY USELESS

Or, one more:

LIFE STORY OF FUNNY MAN EXEMPLIFIES MORAL IMPERATIVE

These headlines, perhaps, leave you deeply skeptical. And yet, Todd Rose’s The End of Average fulfills them all. It may be the only book about a basic mathematical procedure that you start recommending to your colleagues.

BOOK ON STATISTICS MAKES GRIPPING READING

As a culture, we’re obsessed with averages: from IQ and GPA, to ERA and on-base percentage, to the Dow Jones and monthly unemployment.

Given the ubiquity of these calculations, it’s amazing to learn that an identifiable individual first decided to use scientific averaging procedures to draw conclusions about human social institutions. (It’s even more amazing to learn that his name was Adolphe Quetelet. This man should have invented potato chips.)

In the 200 years since Quetelet, some have seen the average as the ideal, and vilified variance from the average as a problem that schools and factories must solve.

Others—including Francis Galton, relative of Charles Darwin—have been champions of those who exceeded the average, exalting the eminent above the mediocre (and certainly above “the imbecile”).

In other words, there is a social history to our obsession with averages. It’s not a timeless norm of human societies, but a recent quirk in our social world view.

Improbably, Rose recounts this intellectual and social history with admirable clarity and welcome humor. I rarely lost my place in his argument, and regularly appreciated his wry observation and turn of phrase. When reading about the history of math, every Dante deserves so engaging a Beatrice.

COMMONLY USED SCHOOL METRICS MOSTLY USELESS

But here’s the catch in Rose’s engaging and witty story: when we use averages to describe people, the underlying mathematical assumptions go badly awry.

I’ll leave the details to Rose (who, by the way, does an impressive job making the “ergodic switch” clear to non-math readers).

The simple version is this; the rules governing mathematical procedures assume that human beings are like certain gas molecules: identical, and changeless. Of course, you don’t need too much experience as a teacher to know that our students are not immutable clones.

The horrifying implication: our obsession with IQ and GPA and countless other measurements that depend on averaging depends ultimately on a mathematical error. There’s a bug deep in the code we’ve been programming with all along.

Here’s an analogy—adapted from Rose’s introduction. The last time you rented a car, you probably spent a few minutes adjusting all sorts of settings. You moved the seat up and back, tilted the steering wheel, rejiggered the mirrors—even before you got to the radio and the AC.

Of course, car makers would be much happier if they could dispense with all these adjustments; that is, if they could build a car for the average driver. But they (or, as Rose explains, the Navy) have found that no such driver exists. Even if you knew that a driver is 5’ 10”, you still can’t make good predictions about the right height for the steering wheel, or the proper tilt for the headrest…much less the best temperature for the car.

And yet, IQ tests assume, in effect, that all students can comfortably drive the same car. If their driving is faulty, the problem resides in the driver, not in the car itself.

Other books in this field offer specific teaching strategies. Instead, Rose offers readers a new way to think about information we already have. The uses of these new thought processes will be different for each of us.

If, for example, your school uses IQ scores or GPA as a prerequisite for advanced tracks or classes, you’ll know how to think about these criteria in the future.

If, on the other hand, you’re designing a new class, Rose’s frameworks will doubtless inspire you contemplate course requirements anew. His final three chapters, in fact, offer models for rethinking old systems to allow for complex individuality.

Alas, Rose’s examples don’t come from K-12 schools; we will have to do that work ourselves. At the same time, we can be more effective in rethinking approaches to teaching given Rose’s wisdom and guidance.

LIFE STORY OF FUNNY MAN EXEMPLIFIES MORAL IMPERATIVE

More than most books on science, Rose presents his own life story as a central example of his hypothesis.

In many ways, his biography resembles a cautionary tale about bad choices and misspent opportunities. After a series of failures in high school, he ended up on welfare—with a wife and two children to support.

And yet, Dr. Todd Rose is now the Director of the Mind, Brain, Education program at Harvard University’s School of Education—and the author of a book published by Harper Collins. He has, in brief, made it.

His remarkable story points to two key moral arguments.

First: as a society, our schools cheat many who don’t fit within “averagarian” norms. Clearly Rose has what it takes to succeed—the man is, after all, a Harvard professor. And yet, our education system didn’t facilitate his success; it routinely impeded that success.

We simply can’t feel good about social systems that block capable people.

Second: as a society, we cheat ourselves by limiting the successes of promising students. Think of all the other Todd Roses out there who were not able to overcome the hurdles our system placed before them. Think what they might have invented and accomplished and discovered—for us.

In other words: Rose’s desire to see past faulty “averagarian” thinking is not some dewy-eyed project to make do-gooders sleep cozily. Instead, it is an utterly rational appeal to our sense of justice and of logic. If we can take off our social blinders, we will benefit not only those who need non-average systems to thrive, but also ourselves, our students, our families, and our world.

 

Todd Rose (2016). The End of Average: How We Succeed in a World that Values Sameness. New York: HarperOne.

 

Full Disclosure: I took one course under Dr. Rose in the MBE program at Harvard’s School of Education.

A Field Guide to Lies: Critical Thinking in the Information Age by Daniel J. Levitin
Rebecca Gotlieb
Rebecca Gotlieb

Lies LevitinNever has it been so easy to acquire a breadth of information rapidly. At the same time there is a proliferation of misinformation and manipulative assertions. Information seekers must learn to be critical consumers. In A Field Guide to Lies: Critical Thinking in the Information Age Daniel J. Levitin suggests ways to evaluate claims that are made with numbers, words, and scientific logic. Levitin is the Dean of Social Science at the Minerva School and part of the faculty at UC Berkeley’s Hass School of Business. He is also the author of The Organized Mind.

Levitin warns that claims made with numbers often appear to the uncritical consumer as inarguably true. Critical consumers of numbers recognize that just because something is precise (i.e., specific) does not mean that it is accurate (i.e., true). He reminds his reader that statistics are created by people at every stage in the process. People determine what to count, how to count it, how to analyze what has been counted, and what to report. At each of these stages humans can intentionally or unintentionally manipulate numbers. Thus, critical consumers check whether statistics seem plausible using basic reasoning skills. For example, critical consumers know the differences among the various types of averages (i.e., mean, median, and mode), understand the relation among averages and range, and consider whether averages were calculated using a sensible sample. One can evaluate sampling by considering whether the sample was: 1) composed of sub-samples that ought not to be combined, 2) divided in such a way as to obscure a larger truth, and 3) representative. Levitin suggests that to be critical consumers of graphically presented data we ought to consider how axes are constructed and labeled (e.g., do they depict the full range of the data?). Critical consumers of numbers understand that correlations can be coincidental, explained by a third variable, or not practically important. They recognize that estimating a data point between existing pieces of data (interpolation) is not a perfect science and yet can often yield good estimates, while estimating a value outside the range of one’s data (extrapolation) can be riskier. Finally, and perhaps most critically, Levitin urges his readers not to be intimidated by numbers, not to accept them at face-value, and to test whether the numbers are plausible.

Levitin argues that humans learn from the stories and claims of other people. As such, in the information age, when it is easy for many people to make erroneous claims, we must be critical consumers of others’ words. Critical consumers of words evaluated alleged experts’ expertise. For example, they ask who determined that the expert was indeed an expert? Even if someone is an expert in one domain, the critical consumer questions whether the expert’s authority extends to the relevant domain at hand. The critical consumer recognizes that expertise is relative, experts can be wrong, and experts can disagree. Critical consumers know that some publications and websites are more reputable than others, and they seek out signs of the rigor with which claims in a given publication were verified or supported.

Science and the scientific method have proven invaluable in helping us determine what is or is not true about the world. Critical consumers must evaluate the way in which individuals discover truths and construct arguments. Levitin explains three different ways in which people typically come to understand how the world works. They can deduce by moving from general observations to specific predictions. They can induce by using a collection of facts to explain a general principle. Finally, as Sherlock Holmes often did, they can engage in abductive reasoning by using observations to construct a theory that accounts for those observations. Levitin enumerates several logical fallacies to help us become critical consumers who do not fall prey to those fallacies. For example, he helps the reader think about how to detect phenomena that may appear to be correlated. Levitin warns of the danger of not knowing what one does not know. In scientific and practical thinking, this can lead one to erroneous conclusions.

Levitin ends with four real-world instances in which he applied his suggestions about logical reasoning. He reminds us that we are fortunate to live in the information age because so much knowledge is available to us at all times. He argues that in exchange for the ease with which we can access information we must evaluate the information we encounter. Readers of A Field Guide to Lies will inoculate themselves from much of the deception they might encounter.

Levitin, D. J., author. (2016). A field guide to lies: Critical thinking in the information age. New York, New York: Dutton.

 

TOP RESEARCHERS TO EXPLORE WAYS TO EMPOWER AND ENGAGE STUDENTS IN CIVICS, SCHOOL, AND REAL-WORLD PROBLEM SOLVING
landb
landb

MEDIA ADVISORY

October 25, 2016

Contact:

Kristin Dunay

(781)-449-4010 x 104

[email protected]

ENGAGED, EMPOWERED MINDS: USING BRAIN SCIENCE TO EDUCATE ETHICAL 21ST CENTURY CITIZENS AND PROBLEM SOLVERS

WHAT:

Mind, brain and developmental researchers have found that students who feel empowered and are actively engaged in their learning and their community, perform better academically, have more positive social-ethical behaviors, and are more likely to be active citizens.

Next month, a distinguished group of neuroscientists, psychologists, and educators will explore the science behind civic and school engagement, provide ways to foster student motivation, voice and choice, and how to empower kids to change the world. They will discuss how to create engaged learners, ethical citizens, and world problem solvers before 1,200 educators at the Learning & the Brain® Conference in Boston, MA.

SPONSORS:  The program is co-sponsored by several organizations including the Mind, Brain & Education Program at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, the Athinoula A. Martinos Imaging Center at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the Dana Alliance for Brain Initiatives, the Neuroscience Research Institute at the University of California, Santa Barbara, the Neuro-Education Initiative at Johns Hopkins University School of Education, Edutopia from The George Lucas Educational Foundation, the Learning & the Brain® Foundation and both national associations of elementary and secondary school principals. The event is produced by Public Information Resources, Inc.
FACULTY: 

Renowned Psychologist Howard E. Gardner, PhD, will present on “Beyond Wit and Grit: Thoughts on Nurturing Good Citizens?” during a keynote on Friday, November 18. Dr. Gardner, author of Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (1983), will discuss how his theory of multiple intelligences and the concept of perseverance are not enough for academic success and stress the importance of ethics to benefits both students and society. Dr. Gardner is the John H. and Elizabeth A. Hobbs Professor of Cognition and Education at Harvard Graduate School of Education and Co-Founder of The Good Project, a group of initiatives that promotes excellence, engagement, and ethics in education.

 

On Saturday morning, Kou Murayama, PhD, will receive the 2016 Transforming Education Through Neuroscience Award from the Learning & the Brain® Foundation. This award has been presented annually since 2008 to a researcher who has made significant contributions to connecting neuroscience with education. Dr. Murayama is Associate Professor of School Psychology and Clinical Language Sciences and Director of the Motivation Lab at the University of Reading.

In addition to Drs. Gardner and Murayama, the program features some other leading experts on the learning sciences including:

▪   Tony Wagner, PhD, Expert in Residence, Harvard Innovation Lab, Harvard University; Education Advisor to the documentary, Most Likely to Succeed; Author, Creating Innovators: The Making of Young People Who Will Change the World (2012); Co-Author, Most Likely to Succeed (2015)

▪   Sandra B. Chapman, PhD, Founder and Chief Director, Center for BrainHealth; Professor, School of Behavioral and Brain Sciences, The University of Texas at Dallas; Co-Author, Make Your Brain Smarter (2014, Reprint Edition)

▪   Joel Westheimer, PhD, University Research Chair in Democracy and Education, University of Ottawa; Co-Director, “The Inequality Project”; Education Columnist, CBC Radio; Author, What Kind of Citizen? Educating Our Children for the Common Good (2015)

▪   Daniel J. Levitin, PhD, Cognitive Scientist; James McGill Professor of Psychology, Behavioral Neuroscience and Music, McGill University; Author, A Field Guide to Lies: Critical Thinking in the Information Age (2016), The Organized Mind (2014) and This Is Your Brain on Music (2006)

▪   Zoe Weil, MA, MTS, Co-Founder and President, Institute for Humane Education; Author, The World Becomes What We Teach: Educating a Generation of Solutionaries (2016), Above All, Be Kind (2013), Most Good, Least Harm (2009) and The Power and Promise of Humane Education (2004)

▪   Chris Lehmann, MA, Founding Principal, Science Leadership Academy; Co-Author, Building School 2.0: How to Create the Schools We Need (2015); Co-Editor, What School Leaders Need to Know About Digital Technologies and Social Media (2011)

WHEN: Thursday, November 17 – Saturday, November 19. Conference begins 1:00 PM. General Registration is $599 through November 6 and $619 after November 6.   Contact Kristin Dunay at 781-449-4010 x 104 for media passes.
WHERE: Westin Copley Place, Boston, MA

Learning & the Brain® is a series of educational conferences that brings the latest research in the learning sciences and their potential applications to education to the wider educational community. Since its inception in 1999, more than 50,000 people in Boston, San Francisco, Washington, D.C., New York, Orlando and Chicago have attended this series.

 

For more information about the conference, visit www.learningandthebrain.com

The ABCs of How We Learn: 26 Scientifically Proven Approaches, How They Work, and When to Use Them by Daniel Schwartz, Jessica Tsang and Kristen Blair
Rebecca Gotlieb
Rebecca Gotlieb

A uniquely actionable new book of learning sciences principles that can improve teaching and learning has come in the form of The ABC’s of How We Learn: 26 Scientifically Proven Approaches, How They Work, and When to Use Them. This book, inspired by a popular course at Stanford University entitled The Core Mechanics of Learning, is written by Daniel L. Schwartz, Dean of Stanford’s Graduate School of Education, Jessica M. Tsang an instructor at Stanford and a cognitive neuroscientist with expertise in effective classroom learning techniques, and Kristen P. Blair, a child development researcher and instructor at Stanford with expertise in technologies that support STEM learning.

The ABC’s of How We Learn starts from the premise that we all teach one another, and we all need to learn. As such, improving how we teach and learn, including tailoring strategies to our present circumstances is useful. The authors offer 26 alphabetized principles of learning and practices that support knowledge acquisition. The book does not profess to be a comprehensive account of every principle that can improve learning; rather, it offers several strategies that improve learning and the contexts in which each strategy might help. While presenting and integrating high level psychological and learning sciences theories and evidence, this text is accessible to any reader interested in improving his or her learning efficiency and experience. Especially helpful is the fact that the authors have grouped the 26 principles into a handful of broad issues that may be of concern to educators, such as how to support learners in building conceptual understanding, how to motivate learners, and how to promote learning through collaboration.

Each chapter, which corresponds to a learning principle represented by a letter of the alphabet, is explained in a way that makes the principle not only easily understandable, but also easy to implement. Each principle is defined, the theory accounting for the success of the principle is explained, uses of the principle are discussed, and the conditions under which it is most effective are enumerated. The ways in which the technique can be detrimental to learning are also outlined. Finally, examples of effective and ineffective implementation of the technique are included at the end of each chapter. After the full description of each of the 26 principles, the authors provide a very brief summary that users can reference to refresh themselves on the principles in the future.

The varied learning principles in this book highlight the many fruitful paths by which learning can take place. The book includes strategies that might be familiar and intuitive such as providing feedback, opportunities to observe experts, and opportunities for meaningful practice. Other strategies outlined include how to make learning exciting and preparing for learning by being well-rested. For example, in the chapter entitled “Z is for Zzzzzz…” the authors state that as productive scholars have long experienced and intuited and as the past 15 years of sleep research has shown, for deep learning to take place we need to get sufficient sleep. Sleep supports attentiveness during learning and memory consolidation after learning. The authors also include less well-known strategies for improving learning such as assuring students that they belong in the present learning setting, drawing on our five-senses and our bodies to learn abstract concepts, creating works of art and other sharable products, and engaging in imaginative play. Imaginative play, for example, helps students understand that one idea can represent another (e.g., a toy doll can represent a real person), and allows them to practice the norms of social interactions and the cognitive control that they require. It allows children to think independently and creatively.

Just as everyone needs to learn their ABC’s before they can read and learn from texts, every teacher and student can benefit from understanding the ABC’s of how we learn to improve their learning experience.

 

Schwartz, D. L., Tsang, J. M., & Blair, K. P. (2016). The ABCs of how we learn: 26 scientifically proven approaches, how they work, and when to use them. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.

Grit: The Power of Passion and Perseverance by Angela Duckworth
Rebecca Gotlieb
Rebecca Gotlieb

Angela Duckworth, professor of psychology at the University of Pennsylvania and a 2013 MacArthur Genius Fellow, is driven by a desire to “use psychological science to help kids thrive.” Her new book, Grit: The Power of Passion and Perseverance can help parents, teachers, coaches do just that. In Duckworth’s lexicon grit is a unique combination of a passion for a pursuit and perseverance to achieve a goal related to that passion. She explains why grit is so important for achieving success, what the personal qualities are that contribute to grittiness, and how a culture can help make individuals gritty. Duckworth’s dad frequently reminded her as a child that she is “no genius,” but she argues that she and others can become a genius through the dogged pursuit of their passion.

Duckworth examined the personal qualities of national spelling bee champions, West Point Cadets, and U.S. urban public school students. She found that for each of these groups of young people the ability to persist after failure, a constant drive to improve, and a sense of personal direction were more critical for success than talent or aptitude. Yet, talent is alluring. We have a “naturalness bias”—a preference for people who seem effortlessly skilled in a domain. Duckworth warns however, that we should ward against an emphasis on talent. In the corporate world for example, terminating and promoting based on perceived talent (a difficult construct to measure) can undermine a company’s growth and lead to corruption.

Duckworth notes that success results from the accumulation of a multitude of minor accomplishments and consistency of commitment. With effort we become more skillful, and we can exercise our skills more productively. Talent alone cannot produce achievement; we achieve only through dedicated effort. That is, we must stick with problems and challenges that matter to us, set big picture as well as detailed goals, remain flexible in how we pursue those goals, rise from failure, and avoid spending energy on tasks that do not help us accomplish our goals.

Fortunately, we can cultivate grittiness. Indeed, more of the variance in grittiness among people is due to experience than genetics. Further, older people tend to be grittier than younger people, which may be due to grit developing with maturity.

Duckworth outlines the qualities of gritty individuals. They are passionate about their work, and that passion drives their success. Determining the object of one’s passion takes more time than we typically realize. Much like developing passionate feelings for a romantic partner, we should acknowledge that developing a passion for work may not occur through “love at first sight.” Also, like a partner, every job comes with its share of imperfections. People can reflect upon what matters to them and what they enjoy thinking about to determine their passion. Having a sense of purpose, or a sense that one’s work can contribute to a societal good, is another dimension of passion. Grittier people are more driven than less gritty people to seek meaning in their work and to help others.

Gritty people do not merely practice more than others; they practice in a more deliberative way by setting goals, focusing intently, seeking feedback, self-quizzing, and easily bouncing back from setbacks. Interestingly, gritty people feel as though practice is both harder and more enjoyable than do less gritty people. They believe that effort now can help them create a better future. They tend to have growth mindsets and believe they can change. For those of us working to cultivate our grit, setting routines can make engaging in consistent practice easier.

Duckworth offers tips for how to cultivate grit through parenting. “Tough love” is effective; we should give our children both freedom and limits, affection and rules. Parents should seek to be warm, respectful, and demanding. Getting kids involved in extracurricular activities is an effective way to promote grittiness. Extracurricular involvement, especially when it lasts for more than 2 years of high school, is associated with high grades and self-esteem, and it predicts college graduation and post-graduate earnings. Duckworth expresses concern about the income-based disparity in access to participation in extracurricular activities. Parents can also make grit part of their children’s identity, which will make it easier to be gritty. When an individual associates being gritty with membership in a group she cares about, she is more likely to see herself as gritty and act as such.

Fortunately we can all cultivate our grittiness. It seems to be one of the few personal characteristics that does not become less adaptive in large quantities. The pursuit of grit is really the pursuit of greatness. Duckworth argues convincingly that with a big dose of passion and perseverance (i.e., grit) we may all be able to be geniuses.

 

Duckworth, A. (2016). Grit: The power of passion and perseverance. New York: Simon and Schuster.

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Theresa Cheng
Theresa Cheng

The Olympics have just come to an end­. Though this year’s games have been mired in controversy, it’s hard to deny the awe that Olympians can inspire. But behind each astonishing feat of athleticism is a lifetime of training and preparation, and Olympians embody some of the attitudes that we hope our students take on: the belief that effort and discipline matter, and that pushing through individual moments of struggle builds toward success. Believing these messages is part of self-efficacy, a belief in the ability to succeed. For many students, developing a sense of self-efficacy may be necessary for a lifetime of learning, for making so many hopes—college, salaries, personal and political empowerment—come true.

But a strong sense of self-efficacy can’t help you sprout feathers, and one assumption of training is that it’s truly possible to improve. Having a growth mindset about a characteristic, like intelligence, is to believe that it’s fundamentally malleable and that directing effort toward improving it will be worthwhile. Mindsets inform action, so those with a growth mindset about intelligence are thought to be more likely to embrace challenge and learn from failure.1 In contrast, having a fixed mindset about intelligence is the view that becoming a smarter person is about as plausible as sprouting feathers. Even for those who may believe they possess intelligence, this view is related to avoiding challenges, giving up easily, and subsequently reaching a plateau in growth1 (For more on growth mindset, see my colleague Ashle Bailey-Gilreath’s article, “The Problem with Believing in Innate Talent.”)

However, taking on a growth mindset can be a large pill to stomach for those who feel chronically alienated and frustrated by school.

What can make the message go down smoother? Biology, it seems. Materials to teach growth mindset in schools often emphasize the brain’s plasticity, or its ability to change and grow with experience. It’s no coincidence that the leading program for teaching growth mindset is called Brainology.

Growth mindset interventions can make a difference

In one group of middle school students, participating in an 8-week growth mindset/neuroscience course reversed the typical decline in math achievement across these grades (as compared to a control group of students in a study skills course).2 This program is one of many social psychological interventions that improve student outcomes by targeting their beliefs. Surprisingly, even brief interventions can have long-term effects, particularly at sensitive academic transition points and for students who face negative stereotypes about their intelligence.3

How do these work? It seems unlikely that most students are constantly reflecting on the intervention, particularly as months and years go by. Instead, changes in students’ underlying attitudes may snowball into positive outcomes.3 Some research suggests that mindsets may affect basic brain processes related to attention. In adults completing a simple letter-matching task, growth mindset was associated with stronger changes in electrical signals (measured using electroencephalograms, or EEG) related to attention after making a mistake.4,5 In turn, this neural signature of attention was related to better performance on the task.4,

However, very few studies report on brain measures related to growth mindset, particularly in children.

In spite of this, some interventions incorporate neuroscience to try to make their messaging more compelling. Persuasiveness is a critical part of effective intervention.3 Does incorporating neuroscience make arguments more compelling? The research here is mixed: some studies have found that adding brain images or neuroscience jargon makes messages more believable, while others have found no effect.6

Misconceptions and inaccuracies in popular growth mindset curricula

Does growth mindset get neuroscience right? Educational materials related to growth mindset have proliferated, so it’s difficult to assess these materials as a whole. However, zeroing in on two popular articles suggests a few potentially common issues.

Article: “You can grow your intelligence,” Brainology

This article was provided to me early in my teacher training. In kid-friendly writing, this piece makes the case for effortful practice, with statements like, “…when [people] practice and learn new things, parts of their brain change and get large a lot like muscles do when they exercise.”7

Claim 1: Of course, this rests on the assumption that having a bigger brain is necessarily better.

The problem: In my last post, I argued that “growing your brain” is a mediocre summary of overall brain changes in human learning and development. Rather than sheer growth, learning and development involve complex changes at multiple levels in the brain.

Claim 2: This article also discusses research finding heavier brains and more complex neural architecture in animals that lived with other animals and toys, in comparison to those that lived alone in bare cages. The article also describes the finding that later introduction to toys and socialization led to changes in the brain.

The problem: These fascinating studies have parallels with research showing altered behavioral and neural patterns in institutionalized children, with some improvements if children’s environments are altered with foster care.8,9 While this work points to a profound role of experience in brain development, this evidence doesn’t show differences in brain development related to effortful practice; what it really shows is that a normal environment leads to more brain connections than being very deprived.10

Article. “Mistakes Grow Your Brain,” Stanford’s youcubed

Claim: Mistakes grow your brain

The problem: The cited research study (described earlier) found that in adults, growth mindset was related to greater attention to errors.4 This neural signature of error processing was also associated with better performance on the letter-matching task. The method used in the paper uses EEG to measure the electrical activity of the brain, which reflects coordinated electrical brain activity. Current methods to image the brain’s changing connections while performing a task would be highly invasive (i.e., requiring brain surgery). The researchers did not take any measures of brain growth, so the study simply doesn’t support this claim.11

Why does this matter?

Some might argue that given the potential positives of teaching growth mindset, these arguments are petty. So what if growth mindset hasn’t been proven to literally induce brain growth? It seems to improve student learning, and that’s what matters most.

To be clear: student learning absolutely matters. But student learning and supporting accurate, nuanced views of science are not mutually exclusive. Of course, some details might be beyond a first grader’s grasp. But discounting these issues outright sends the message that science is too hard, and we just can’t be bothered to try to get it right. And some of the issues identified above reflect hazy reasoning and a misuse of sources—which are cardinal sins across the sciences and the humanities. It would be possible to select neuroscience studies focusing on the many ways that our brains constrain our basic perceptual access to the world, conveying an entirely different story about how little we’re really in control.

The bottom line

Growth mindset and other social psychological interventions have framed important conversations about the role of implicit attitudes in learning. They’ve also made tangible impacts in the public sphere through intervention work. However, popular resources for implementing growth mindset curricula sometimes miss the mark when it comes to incorporating brain research. If you’re implementing growth mindset in the classroom, it’s worth being aware of some common over-simplifications and errors.

Another way of addressing this issue is to be attentive to language. As I’ve written before, we typically have other goals in mind when we talk about growing the brain, such as developing a skill. In these cases, we’re only loosely referring to actual, physical brains. Unfortunately, this common half-metaphor may make it easier for us to open our pocketbooks to commercial interests making unfounded claims about brain-based strategies or products.

While talking about brain development and plasticity may be a powerful part of communicating implicit messages about students’ capacity, it isn’t the only way. And when invoked, it comes with a responsibility to be accurate and thoughtful in communicating science.

 

References & Further Reading

  1. Dweck, C. S., Chiu, C., & Hong, Y. (1995). Implicit theories and their role in judgments and reactions: A word from two perspectives. Psychological Inquiry, 6(4), 267–285. [Paper]
  2. Blackwell, L. S., Trzesniewski, K. H., & Dweck, C. S. (2007). Implicit theories of intelligence predict achievement across an adolescent transition: A longitudinal study and an intervention. Child Development, 78(1), 246–263. [Paper]
  3. Yeager, D. S., & Walton, G. M. (2011). Social-Psychological Interventions in Education: They’re Not Magic. Review of Educational Research, 81(2), 267–301. [Paper]
  4. Moser, J. S., Schroder, H. S., Heeter, C., Moran, T. P., & Lee, Y.-H. (2011). Mind Your Errors Evidence for a Neural Mechanism Linking Growth Mind-Set to Adaptive Posterror Adjustments. Psychological Science, 22(12), 1484–1489. [Paper]
  5. Schroder, H. S., Moran, T. P., Donnellan, M. B., & Moser, J. S. (2014). Mindset induction effects on cognitive control: A neurobehavioral investigation. Biological Psychology, 103, 27–37. [Paper]
  6. Michael, R. B., Newman, E. J., Vuorre, M., Cumming, G., & Garry, M. (2013). On the (non)persuasive power of a brain image. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 20(4), 720–725. [Paper]
  7. Mindset Works. (2002). “You Can Grow Your Intelligence.” Health and Science News You Can Use/Brainology. [Link]
  8. Nelson, C. A., Fox, N. A., & Zeanah, C. H. (2013). Anguish of the Abandoned Child. Scientific American, 308(4), 62–67. [Article]
  9. Sheridan, M.A., Fox, N.A., Zeanah, C. H., McLaughlin, K.A., & Nelson, C. a. (2012). Variation in neural development as a result of exposure to institutionalization early in childhood. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 109(32), 12927–12932. [Paper]
  10. Sarah-Jayne Blakemore, U. F. (2005). The Learning Brain: Lessons for Education. Wiley-Blackwell. [Link]
  11. (2016). Your Brain on Maths: Educational Neurononsense Revisited. [Blog]
  • Bailey-Gilreath, A. (2016). The Problem with Believing in Innate Talent. Learning & the Brain Blog [Link]
  • Farah, M. J., & Hook, C. J. (2013). The Seductive Allure of “Seductive Allure.” Perspectives on Psychological Science, 8(1), 88–90. [Paper]

Why Your Brain Has Better Things to Do than “Grow”
Theresa Cheng
Theresa Cheng

grow your brain

Intuitively, the idea of “growing” sounds great.

It’s become synonymous with making something bigger, better, or more mature. We’re inundated with messages to grow our wealth, grow our networks, grow our following;it was just a matter of time before people started promoting strategies to grow our brains, too.

But before we start loading up on smart pills and brain games, we have to ask: Can we really grow our brains? And more importantly, why would we want to?

One reason may be that we feel empowered by the potential to make a lasting physical mark on our brains through our beliefs, behaviors, and experiences. By thinking that we’ve changed our neural architecture, we may feel like our effort has been more meaningful or real. (This article from the Greater Good Institute makes this argument explicitly.)

However, the “you can grow your brain” slogan hugely oversimplifies what we know about brain development and learning. Although it is based in truth, the brain actually changes in ways that are more subtle and fascinating than sheer growth.

What does the slogan “You can grow your brain” ultimately get right, and where does it miss the mark?

 

What it gets right: The brain is plastic 

The brain is remarkably flexible and continues to change in response to the environment throughout the lifespan.

Because networks in the brain generally become more specialized with age,1 the brain has the greatest neuroplasticity, or ability to change, in childhood.2 The brain is so flexible that people who have half of their brains removed (hemispherectomy) in childhood as treatment for severe epilepsy can, in many cases, go on to live fairly normal lives. (Check out this work on two fascinating case studies!)

One mechanism for neuroplasticity in adulthood is the birth of new neurons, called neurogenesis, in a part of the hippocampus. Though neurogenesis was once thought to be impossible past childhood, scientists now generally agree that these new neurons give brains a chance to become more fine-tuned to the environment throughout our entire lives.3 However, some research challenges the notion that there are enough new brain cells to explain changes in how adults think and behave.4

A well-known study demonstrating neuroplasticity in adults found that, compared to people in other occupations, on average London taxicab drivers had bigger posterior (closer to the back of the head) hippocampi.5 Here, volume is thought to be a proxy for the number of cells. The posterior hippocampus is associated with spatial navigation, and London taxicab drivers exercise this skill extensively, typically spending years learning the city streets before taking a challenging examination. On average, the longer people had spent as taxi drivers, the bigger their posterior hippocampi.

However, this particular study didn’t establish that more taxi driving experience causes brain growth—it was only correlational. Another plausible explanation of the findings is that people who choose to become taxi drivers and stay in the job for the long run have bigger posterior hippocampi and superior spatial navigation.

 

What it gets wrong: Bigger isn’t always the goal

What’s often overlooked about the London taxicab driver study is that, relative to the control group, the taxicab drivers actually had smaller anterior hippocampal volume (the part of the hippocampus closest to the front of the head).5 The idea that taxicab drivers sprouted a bigger overall hippocampus through practice isn’t quite right.

One fuller possible explanation of the findings is that hippocampus was re-organized with greater specialization for spatial navigation. Although this finding still demonstrates neuroplasticity, simplifying the story to “the brain grew!” paints an incomplete picture of brain development… and its goals.

In the broad scheme of things, is a bigger brain a better brain?

Bigger brains relative to body size have been correlated with more intelligent species, and among humans overall brain size is moderately correlated with IQ.6 However, this pattern is weak enough that you can’t necessarily tell any individual’s intelligence from their overall brain size. Albert Einstein, for instance, was known to have a pretty average-sized brain!

The answer also depends on the part of the brain in question. Life circumstances associated with early neglect such as being raised in an orphanage7 or having a mother with depressive symptoms8 are associated with larger amygdala volume. The amygdala is a part of the brain thought to be critical for processing fear, and in the orphanage study, greater amygdala volume was correlated with symptoms of anxiety and depression.7

Sheer growth simply isn’t a good way to describe the developing brain. The cortex thins out over the course of typical development into adulthood, and how fast it thins is correlated with intelligence.9 The cortex is the outermost layer of the brain, and is crucial for cognitive functions like language, memory, and consciousness. Cortical grey matter volume, which is made of the bodies of brain cells, peaks in childhood and decreases in adolescence to a stable point in the 20s.10 On the other hand, white matter increases steadily during adolescence.11 White matter is named for the fatty “blankets” around neural fibers that improve the efficiency of their communication.* 

Finally, there may important reasons as to why the brain loses brain cells, drops certain neural connections, and becomes less flexible. Important messages may be more effective with fewer competing signals, and excessive neurogenesis could make the brain a noisier, less efficient system.

 

The developing brain becomes more refined

A more sophisticated way to think about brain development emphasizes refinement over growth. As my colleague Kate Mills has written previously, when it comes to brains, more connections aren’t necessarily better. It may be important that some connections are lost so that others are strengthened.

Which connections are strengthened are likely influenced by experience. Here are a few other ways that the brain changes that paint a more sophisticated picture than sheer growth—and this list is far from complete!

  • Improving connections between brain regions (myelination): Laying down myelin makes connections between different neural regions more efficient, which means communication between cells can happen faster. One white matter tract (a.k.a. a group of myelinated neural fibers) called the arcuate fasciculus connects regions of the brain involved in language, and the myelin content in a part of this tract is associated with better word learning.12 Learning to read, even as an adult, is associated with changes in the arcuate fasciculus.13
  • Changing the structure of brain cells (dendritic spine density and arborization): Dendrites are a part of brain cells that primarily receive messages from other neurons at small protrusions called spines. Increases in the density of spines and the complexity in their organization (akin to a tree with more complex branching) have been found in adult primates after spending a month in a more complex/“enriched” environment.14In this sense, growing is important – it’s just about highly organized growthon a really tiny scale, rather than overall brain
  • Changing how neurons’ genes are read (epigenetics): Epigenetics involves changes related to how DNA is read, rather than changes to the genome itself. If each cell’s DNA is a book, epigenetics is like going through and highlighting or blacking out certain lines without changing the underlying text. Though merely “surface” changes, epigenetics may explain one way that early parental neglect harms children in the long run. Glucocorticoid receptors are important proteins that, in the hippocampus, are thought to help the body regulate its stress response. In rats, poorer maternal care has been linked to more genes for this protein being set to “off,” leading to a distorted stress response.15 And there’s evidence that a similar chain of events may occur in humans who have experienced child abuse.16

 

The bottom line

The idea that you can grow your brain is catchy and persistent. Pop culture is filled with the smartest characters having “big brains”, sometimes literally. However, I’ve argued here that it’s not the best or even the most interesting way to describe how the brain changes with experience or development.

In most cases, when we talk about growing the brain, we actually have other goals in mind, such as becoming better learners or maintaining healthy cognitive functioning in aging. Clarifying these goals and using strategies to reach them will change the brain along the way, but growing the brain isn’t typically a goal unto itself.

On the other hand, is it harmful to think about “growing your brain” if it’s something that your or your students find motivating? In my next post, I’ll explore this by taking a critical look at how the idea that you can grow your brain has been used in pop psychology and neuroscience, such as in growth mindset.

 

References & Further Reading

  1. Dosenbach, N. U. F., Nardos, B., Cohen, A. L., Fair, D.A., Power, D., Church, J.A, … Schlaggar, B. L. (2011). Prediction of Individual Brain Maturity Using fMRI. Science, 329(5997), 1358–1361. [Paper]
  2. Center on the Developing Child at Harvard University (2016). From Best Practices to Breakthrough Impacts: A Science-Based Approach to Building a More Promising Future for Young Children and Families. [Link]
  3. Opendak, M., & Gould, E. (2015). Adult neurogenesis: a substrate for experience-dependent change.Trends in Cognitive Sciences,19(3), 151–161. [Paper]
  4. (2016). The Myth of Human Adult Neurogenesis? [Blog]
  5. Maguire, E. A., Gadian, D. G., Johnsrude, I. S., Good, C. D., Ashburner, J., Frackowiak, R. S. J., & Frith, C. D. (2000). Navigation-related structural change in the hippocampi of taxi drivers, 97(8). [Paper]
  6. McDaniel, M. A. (2005). Big-brained people are smarter: A meta-analysis of the relationship between in vivo brain volume and intelligence.Intelligence33(4), 337–346. [Paper]
  7. Tottenham, N., Hare, T. A., Quinn, B. T., McCarry, T. W., Nurse, M., Gilhooly, T., … Casey, B. J. (2010). Prolonged institutional rearing is associated with atypically large amygdala volume and difficulties in emotion regulation.Developmental Science13(1), 46–61. [Paper]
  8. Lupien, S. J., Parent, S., Evans, A. C., Tremblay, R. E., Zelazo, P. D., Corbo, V., … Séguin, J. R. (2011). Larger amygdala but no change in hippocampal volume in 10-year-old children exposed to maternal depressive symptomatology since birth.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences108(34), 14324–14329. [Paper]
  9. Shaw, P., Greenstein, D., Lerch, J., Clasen, L., Lenroot, R., Gogtay, N., … Giedd, J. (2006). Intellectual ability and cortical development in children and adolescents.Nature440(7084), 676–679. [Paper]
  10. Huttenlocher, P. R., & Dabholkar, A. S. (1997). Regional differences in synaptogenesis in human cerebral cortex.The Journal of Comparative Neurology,387(2), 167–178. [Paper]
  11. Mills, K. L., & Tamnes, C. K. (2014). Methods and considerations for longitudinal structural brain imaging analysis across development.Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience,9, 172–190. [Paper]
  12. López-Barroso, D., Catani, M., Ripollés, P., Dell’Acqua, F., Rodríguez-Fornells, A., & Diego-Balaguer, R. de. (2013). Word learning is mediated by the left arcuate fasciculus.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,110(32), 13168–13173. [Paper]
  13. Schotten, M. T. de, Cohen, L., Amemiya, E., Braga, L. W., & Dehaene, S. (2014). Learning to Read Improves the Structure of the Arcuate Fasciculus.Cerebral Cortex,24(4), 989–995. [Paper]
  14. Kozorovitskiy, Y., Gross, C. G., Kopil, C., Battaglia, L., McBreen, M., Stranahan, A. M., & Gould, E. (2005). Experience Induces Structural and Biochemical Changes in the Adult Primate Brain.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America,102(48), 17478–17482. [Paper]
  15. Weaver, I.C.G., Cervoni, N., Champagne, F. A., D’Alessio, A. C., Sharma, S., Seckl, J. R., Dymov, G., Szyf, M., Meaney, M. J. (2004). Epigenetic programming by maternal behavior.Nature Neuroscience,7(8), 847–854. [Paper]
  16. McGowan, P. O., Sasaki, A., D’Alessio, A. C., Dymov, S., Labonte, B., Szyf, M., … Meaney, M. J. (2009). Epigenetic regulation of the glucocorticoid receptor in human brain associates with childhood abuse.Nature Neuroscience,12(3), 342+. [Paper]
  • Immordino-Yang, M. H. (2007). A Tale of Two Cases: Lessons for Education From the Study of Two Boys Living With Half Their Brains. Mind, Brain, and Education, 1(2), 66–83. [Paper]
  • Blakemore, S.J., Frith, U. (2005).The Learning Brain: Lessons for Education. Wiley-Blackwell. [Link]
  • Horowitz, A. (2013). Why Brain Size Doesn’t Correlate with Intelligence. Smithsonian Magazine. [Link]

* Some information here is presented in more detail in other Learning & the Brain posts

  • Mills, K.L. (2015). 3 Things Neuroscience Teaches Us About the Changing “Teenage Brain.” Learning & the Brain Blog [Link]
  • Mills, K.L. (2015). The New Understanding of IQ. Learning & the Brain Blog [Link]

What Kind of Citizen?: Educating Our Children for the Common Good by Joel Westheimer
Rebecca Gotlieb
Rebecca Gotlieb

Schools may be vehicles for achieving our idealized society because they allow us to mold young people to bring about positive societal change. As such, we need to make careful choices about what and how we teach students. Dr. Joel Westheimer, University of Ottawa Research Chair in Democracy and Education, advances these ideas in What Kind of Citizen?: Educating Our Children for the Common Good.

Westheimer suggests several changes we should make in schools. Too often students perceive school as a struggle between the demands adults place on them and their desire to pursue their own passions. To improve students’ experiences schools should seek to be relevant to contemporary problems, offer new interpretations of old “facts”, change students’ perspectives, encourage question asking, embrace controversy, and push for critical thinking. Standardized tests and curricula often demand the opposite—e.g., one correct perspective, deference to authority, and recitation of facts—and yet it is the former set of skills that are likely to help us create a better citizenry, Westheimer argues.

Our push to align curricula and establish accountability has restricted teachers’ autonomy and creativity about what and how they teach. This has contributed to the mistrust of teachers. It reduces teachers’ freedom to act in the best interest of their students. This accountability push has limited students’ learning; rather than being taught a breadth of subjects and deep, critical thinking skills, students drown in reading and mathematics practice. We have become so obsessed with student test scores, according to Westheimer, that every decision about schools and students has come to be justified around those scores. That young kids are coming to school hungry and without access to quality food is not enough of a reason to feed them; we do it because it will increase their test score performance. Westheimer suggests that if we focused less on measuring reading and math skills, educators might create innovative measures of thinking skills that are critical for good citizens.

Westheimer outlines three types of citizens that citizenship education typically seeks to foster. One is the personally responsible citizen who obeys laws, gives to charity, acts conscientiously in his community, and treats others with integrity. The second is the participatory citizen who leads or participates in community organizations or activities with the hope that doing so will improve the community. The final type of citizen is social-justice oriented; she critically analyses structural problems in her community’s social, political, and economic order and thinks independently about causes of and solutions to the problems she sees. The type of citizen that schools try to cultivate is reflective of the society that the school community idealizes. Westheimer argues that the personally responsible citizen alone is not enough to bring about a desirable society; we need people who will get involved in the community and work on the root of problems within it. He gives examples of citizenship programs that effectively taught thinking skills and fostered citizenship skills aligned with local values. These hands-on initiatives have helped students appreciate that the point of learning is to be able to contribute. They helped students to be informed and curious, and they helped ward off our culture’s strong individualistic tendencies.

Westheimer concludes by countering seven common myths about education. Whereas some think that national standards raise the quality of education, educational experiences are contingent upon human connections that we are not currently able to measure well. While we too often mistake order and regimentation for learning, these qualities may not actually promote learning. They do, however, seem to be associated with behavioral problems in kids. Some educators believe that schools must be democratic to teach about democracy but, direct instruction may be equally effective. Some argue that knowledge must precede action; a reciprocal relation and oscillation between action and the pursuit of knowledge may be best. Some mistakenly believe that teaching critical thinking means not teaching facts. We should be teaching facts and basic skills, but do so in meaningful contexts so that students learn facts and how to think about them. Some argue that there is no place for politics in schools; actually, exposing student to a range of political viewpoints will give them an opportunity to think deeply and form their own opinions. Finally, some believe that community-based learning experiences must run smoothly for them to be a good learning experience. Westheimer argues that students benefit from learning about the struggle that goes into contributing to community work.

In Wertheimer’s vision, students who ask questions, consider multiple perspectives, appreciate the malleability of facts, and comfortably engage in controversial issues possess the citizenship skills that will help us shape a better society.

Westheimer, J. (2015). What kind of citizen?: Educating our children for the common good. New York: Teachers College Press.