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Factual Knowledge Must (Not?) Precede Higher Order Thinking
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Last year, Tom Sherrington put out a recap of “evidence-informed ideas every teacher should know about.”

His statement about Bloom’s taxonomy goes like this:

“Never teach in a way that relegates knowing things to the bottom of the pile, placing creativity and ‘synthesis’ at the top, or get overly bogged down in ideas about ‘higher order thinking skills’ as if they are separate from knowing things.  They aren’t.

Re-think your sense of Bloom’s taxonomy to view knowledge that is the foundation of all else – and knowing things for the sake of it is good. Because there is always a sake and knowing things never stifles creativity; one fuels the other.”

In this summary, Sherrington makes a strong case for the primacy of factual knowledge. In this view, learners simply can’t undertake “higher order” thinking skills — like synthesis or creativity — without a strong foundation of factual knowledge.

Among teachers, this principle may be best known from Daniel Willingham’s Why Don’t Students Like School? He sums up the matter briskly as chapter 2’s core principle:

“Factual knowledge must precede skill.”

Of course, many scholars have rejected this perspective. Best known among them, Jo Boaler has insisted that math education currently relies excessively on memorization of disconnected facts.

Rather that drill times tables, she argues, teachers should prompt inquiry, exploration, and curiosity.

In other words: we can get to the top of the pyramid without worrying overly about the bottom layer.

Yes, but What Does Recent Research Show?

Researcher Pooja Agarwal specializes in cognitive science, with a focus on memory formation. In fact, she’s particularly keen on doing research in classrooms — not just psychology labs — to ensure that research findings generalize to real-world learning.

(We’ve interviewed Dr. Agarwal for the blog before. And, she’ll be offering a one-day Learning and the Brain seminar on powerful teaching in April.)

Agarwal recently explored the relationship between factual knowledge and skill. Her findings might surprise you. (They certainly surprised me.)

Contra Willingham, Agarwal found that …

“…building a foundation of factual knowledge via retrieval practice did not enhance students’ higher order learning.”

Instead, students did best when the form of the practice questions matched the form of the test questions. (‘Higher order’ here means ‘higher on Bloom’s taxonomy.’):

“Fact quizzes enhanced final fact test performance and higher order quizzes enhanced final higher order test performance.”

That is: when students didn’t review a particular set of facts, they could still reason with them — as long as they had practiced doing that kind of reasoning.

Ultimately, Agarwal ends up advocating for “mixed” practice quizzes, which include both factual and ‘higher order’ questions. (Here‘s a link to her latest blog post summarizing this research.)

Lots More to Learn

Willingham has not yet responded to Agarwal’s study. I don’t doubt that he will; keep an eye out on his blog.

In fact: I haven’t seen any research response to this study. It will be a fascinating debate to watch.

I suspect one line of debate will go like this: Agarwal’s study creates a plausible way to measure the tension between “factual knowledge” and “higher-order thinking.” However, that difference as measured in this study might not be just what Sherrington and Willingham mean.

As you can infer, these differences get technical quickly. Rather than dig into them now, I think teachers should have two responses:

First: be very happy that thoughtful people will be rigorously testing this highly complicated question. We really do need to know the answer to this question…and we don’t yet.

In fact, we probably don’t even have the right vocabulary and the right categories to answer it yet.

Seconddon’t yet make any big changes based on this research.

I hope that Agarwal’s study will launch a fresh round of investigation. We should wait to see where that leads us before we make big school plans.

The Better Choice: Open- or Closed-Book Quizzes
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Psychology research offers lots of big ideas for improving student learning: self-determination theory, or the spacing effect, or cognitive load theory.

Once we make sense of that research, we teachers work to translate those big idea to practical classroom strategies.

In some cases, we can simply do what the researcher did. In most cases, however, we have to adapt their test paradigm to our specific classroom world.

So, for example, Nate Kornell explored the spacing effect with flashcards. He found that 1 deck of 20 cards produced more learning 4 decks of 5 cards. Why: a deck with 20 cards spaces practice out more than a deck with five cards.

That “big idea” gives teachers a direction to go.

But: we should not conclude that 20 is always the right number. Instead, we should adapt the concept to our circumstances. 20 flashcards might be WAY TOO MANY for 1st graders. Or, if the concepts on the cards are quite simple, that might be too few for college students studing vocabulary.

Translating Retrieval Practice

We know from many (many) studies that retrieval practice boosts learning.

In brief, as summarized by researcher Pooja Agarwal, we want students to pull ideas out of their brains, not put them back in.

So, students who study by rereading their notes don’t learn much; that’s putting ideas back in. Instead, they should quiz themselves on their notes; that’s pulling ideas out.

This big idea makes lots of sense. But, what exactly does that look like in our classrooms?

Over the years, teachers and researchers have developed lots of suggestions. (You can check out Dr. Agarwal’s site here for ideas.)

Thinking about retrieval practice, researchers in Germany asked a helpful question. In theory, closed-book quizzes ought to generate more learning than open-book quizzes.

After all: if my book is closed, I have to pull the information out of my brain. That’s retrieval practice.

If my book is open, I’m much likelier simply to look around until I find the right answer. That’s not retrieval practice.

These researchers wanted to know: does this sensible prediction come true?

The Results Please

Sure enough, closed-book quizzes do produce more learning. This research team retested students on information twice: one week after, and eight weeks after, they heard information in a lecture.

Sure enough, the students who took closed-book quizzes did substantially better than those who took open-book quizzes. (The cohen’s d values were above 0.80.)

In brief: we now have one more research-supported strategy for creating retrieval practice.

As always, I think we should be careful to think about limits on such research.

In the first place, this study took place with college students. If you teach younger students, and your experience tells you that an open-book strategy will work better under particular circumstances, you might ask a trusted colleague for a second opinion. Research like this gives us excellent guidance, but it can’t answer all questions.

In the second place, other variables might come strongly into play. For instance: stress. If your school culture has always allowed open-book quizzes, your students might freak out at the prospect of a closed-book alternative. If so, the benefits of retrieval practice might be lost to anxiety overload.

In this case, you’ll need to take the time to explain your reasoning, and to ease your students into new learning habits.

In any case, we can be increasingly confident that many varieties of retrieval practice produce the desirable difficulties that help students learn. (For a fun exception to this rule, click here.)

 

The Limitations of Neuroscience in Guiding Teachers
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

At a professional development talk on long-term memory formation, a teacher politely scolded me: I should have spent more time discussing alpha waves and gamma waves.

After all, she said, that was the really important stuff when it came to brains and learning.

Of course, the differences between alpha and gamma waves can fascinate us. And, pictures of various graphs can look dramatic — especially if the graphic designer has made the colors particularly attractive.

And yet, this kind of neuroscience information offers almost no useful guidance to teachers.

Here’s why.

What Should Teachers Do?

Pretend for the moment that we can plausibly say “this brain region shows gamma waves when it is learning, and alpha waves when it isn’t.”

(By the way, we almost never can say that plausibly. But, we’re pretending here.)

What should teachers do with that information?

Presumably we should ask: how can we reduce alpha waves and enhance gamma waves?

The answer to that question will always include a particular teaching practice. We should use retrieval practice. Or, we should space out repetitions. Or, we should reduce working memory load.

In every case, we know about the effectiveness of those teaching techniques by studying psychology, not neuroscience.

We can, of course, see changes in brain activity when use various classroom techniques.

But, we can determine their effectiveness only by measuring some behavioral outcome. Did the students do better on the test? Did they pay more attention to the stimulus? Or, did they demonstrate higher working memory scores? In every case, those are psychology questions.

Today’s News

I write about this topic every few months, because confusion between the two disciplines crops up fairly regularly.

For today, I want to highlight a blog post over at the Learning Scientists, where they’ve gathered several resources to explore this distinction.

Some of their resources explore the topic in a general way. The final link leads to a hot topic indeed: Daniel Willingham and Daniel Ansari challenge Jo Boaler and Tanya Lamar’s interpretation of neuroscientific data.

If you’ve been following debates about prior knowledge and math teaching, grab some popcorn and surf on over to that link.

The Best (Counter-intuitive) Sleep Advice You’ll Get This Year
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Most of us — and most of our students — need more sleep.

One reason we’re short on z’s: even once we get in bed, the stresses of the day keep us anxiously awake.

We could get more sleep if we could de-stress, and fall asleep faster.

But: how would we do that?

So Crazy, It Just Might Work

We’ve written before about “dumping” as a strategy to reduce stress before exams.

Could a similar strategy work before we go to bed?

Michael Scullin and colleagues hypothesized that students might stress about upcoming tasks. If so, they might feel less stress if they could somehow get a handle on those tasks.

Perhaps, to get that handle, students could make a to-do list of upcoming responsibilities.

To test his hypothesis, Scullin worked with adults (18-30) right before bed. Half of them wrote specific lists of their accomplishments during the day. The other half wrote specific lists of impending to-dos.

So, What Happened?

Of course, it’s possible this technique might backfire. If I write down tomorrow’s responsibilities, then I might ramp up my stress level as I worry about getting them done.

In this case, however, that’s not what happened.

On average, students who wrote to-do lists fell asleep ten minutes faster than those who cataloged their accomplishments.

(These results conceptually mirror those pre-exam stress studies, which show that “dumping” before an exam increases exam performance.)

I particularly like Scullin’s technique, because it’s so gosh-darn practical. Simply put, students can do this. It took only five minutes. And, it helped!

Because this is the first study looking at this technique, we don’t know about boundary conditions. I myself assume that, at some age, children are too young to be kept awake by their mental list of tomorrow’s responsibilities. If that’s true, perhaps some alternate form of writing might help.

Until we know about those boundary conditions, we should use our best judgment in recommending this strategy to students and parents.


h/t to Christine Martin for pointing out this study to me.

Studying Wrong Answers Helps Learn the Right Ones
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

With teaching as with baking, sometimes you should follow steps in a very particular order. If you don’t do this, and then that, and then the other, you don’t get the best results.

Two researchers in Germany wanted to know if, and when, and how, students should study incorrect answers.

To explore this question, they worked with 5th graders learning about fractions. Specifically, they taught a lesson about comparing fractions with different denominators.

(When studying this topic, students can’t rely on their instincts about whole numbers. For that reason, it’s a good subject to understand how students update conceptual models.)

They followed three different recipes.

One group of 5th graders saw only correct answers.

A second group saw both correct and incorrect answers.

A third group saw correct and incorrect answers, and were specifically instructed to compare correct and incorrect ones.

Which recipe produced the best results?

The Judges Have Made Their Decision

As the researchers predicted, the third group learned the most. That is: they made the most progress in updating their conceptual models.

In fact: the group prompted to compare right and wrong answers learned more than the group that saw only the right answers. AND they learned more than the group that saw (but were not prompted to compare) right and wrong answers.

In other words: the recipe is very specific. For this technique to work, students should first get both kinds of information, and second be instructed to compare them.

Important Context

I’ve held off on mentioning an important part of this research: it comes in the context of problem-based learning.  Before these 5th graders got these three kinds of feedback, they first wrestled with some fraction problems on their own.

In fact, those problems had been specifically designed to go well beyond the students’ mathematical understanding.

The goal of this strategy: to make students curious about the real-world benefits of learning about fractions with different denominators in the first place.

If they want to know the answer, and can’t figure it out on their own, presumably they’ll be more curious about learning when they start seeing all those correct (and incorrect) answers.

As we’ve discussed before, debates about direct instruction and problem-based learning (or inquiry learning) often turn heated.

Advocates of both methods can point to successes in “their own” pedagogy, and failures in the “opposing” method.

My own inclination: teachers should focus the on relevant specifics. 

In the link above, for example, one study shows that PBL helps 8th graders think about deep structures of ratio. And, another study shows that it doesn’t help 4th graders understand potential and kinetic energy.

These German researchers add another important twist: giving the right kind of instruction and feedback after the inquiry phase might also influence the lesson’s success.

Rather than conclude one method always works and the other never does, we should ask: which approach best helps my particular students learn this particular lesson? And: how can I execute that approach most effectively?

By keeping our focus narrow and specific, we can stay out of the heated debates that ask us to take sides.

And: we can help our students learn more.

How Can We Encourage Girls to Pursue STEM Disciplines?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

When we see alarming statistics about gender disparities in STEM disciplines, we quite naturally wonder how to fix this imbalance.

(This hope – by the way – isn’t simply a do-goody desire to sing “It’s a Small World After All.” If we believe that men and women can contribute equally to a scientific understanding of our world, then every girl discouraged is a contribution lost.

In other words: we ALL benefit if boys and girls contribute to science.)

So, how can we encourage girls to participate in science?

To answer this question, we might first answer a related question: what discourages girls in the first place.

If we can undo the discouragement, we are – indirectly but effectively – encouraging.

So, what discourages girls?

Is Science Education Itself the Problem?

Here’s a disturbing possibility.

When students learn about genetics, and specifically about the genetics of sex differences, they might infer that genders have a fixed, absolute quality. All boys (and no girls) are this way; all girls (and no boys) are that way.

It’s in the genes, see?

This set of beliefs, in turn, might reinforce a fixed mindset about gender and ability.

Through this causal chain, a particular science curriculum might itself discourage girls from pursuing science.

Yikes!

Researcher Brian Donovan and his team explored this question in a recent study. To do so, they asked students to read different lessons about genes and sexual dimorphism.

Some 8th – 10th graders learned about the genetics of human sexual difference.

Others learned about the genetics of plant sexual differences.

Others read a curriculum that explicitly contradicted the notion that genetic sex differences directly cause differences in intelligence and academic ability.

Did these curricular differences have an effect?

The Results Envelope Please

Unsurprisingly, students who learned that we can’t draw a straight line from genes to gender roles and abilities believed that lesson.

To make the same point in reverse: students who studied a seemingly “neutral” scientific curriculum – “we’re just talking about genes here” – drew unsupported conclusions about absolute differences between men and women.

Amazingly, this finding held true both for the students who studied the genetics of human sexual differences AND those who studied plant sexual differences.

WOW.

Perhaps surprisingly, students who learned that genetic sex differences don’t cause gendered ability differences also expressed a greater interest in science.

In particular, the girls who studied the “genetics only” lesson expressed meaningfully less interest in a science major than those who got the alternative lesson. (The two lessons neither encouraged nor discouraged the boys.)

But, Why?

Here’s the likely causal chain:

A science curriculum that focused “purely” on genetics seemed to suggest that men and women are utterly different beings.

Students who read this “pure” lesson inferred that some human abilities – like, say, scientific competence – might differ between genders.

This inference, in turn, made gender stereotypes (e.g., “men do better at science than women”) more plausible.

And so, the women who got that seemingly neutral science lesson, discouraged by the stereotype it reinforced, felt less inclined to pursue science.

By this roundabout route, a traditional science lesson might itself discourage students from learning science.

Alternative Explanations

Of course, the topic of gender differences – especially in the realms of math and science – can generate lots of energetic debate.

When I asked Donovan for alternative explanations for his findings, he was quick to emphasize that we need lots more research in this field. His is the first study done on this specific question. As always, teachers shouldn’t assume that any one study has found THE answer.

Some people do in fact argue that math and science ability (or interest) differ by gender because of genes. (Dr. Donovan explicitly rejects an explanation that moves directly from genes to gender differences.)

Here’s a recent book review by Lise Eliot, emphasizing that gender differences in brain regions

a) are often exaggerated and mis-reported, and

b) result from societies that emphasize gender differences.

For others – like Simon Baron-Cohen – that argument goes too far. Another recent study suggests that brains differ by gender in utero — that is, before socialization can have strong effects upon them.

Teaching Implications

Donovan’s research suggests that teachers can and should do more to be sure we’re not discouraging some students from particular academic interests and career paths.

For one set of practical suggestions, this interview with Sapna Cheryan outlines several ways we can promote “ambient belonging” in our classrooms.

Can We Boost Our Students’ Self-Control?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

You have, no doubt, heard about this research before.

Walter Mischel tested preschoolers on self-control. In the famous “marshmallow test,” they got either one marshmallow right now, or two if they waited for fifteen minutes.

(I have to include an adorable video of children resisting marshmallows.)

Here’s the blockbuster part: the preschoolers’ performance on that test predicted their adult performance on similar self-control measures — four DECADES later.

And, as Roy Baumeister has shown, self-control influences … say … adult financial success. Or, likelihood of addiction. Or, even the odds that I’ll wind up in jail.

These paragraphs add up to a scary story. If self-control a) can be predicted in early childhood, and b) meaningfully shapes core adult behaviors and abilities, then we might worry about an individual’s capacity to determine his or her life’s direction.

And, we might particularly worry about a teacher’s ability to provide meaningful long-term help.

Ugh.

Bad News/Good News

A recent study sheds new light on this debate.

Here’s the headline: Y.E. Willems and others ran a meta-analysis on the heritability of self-control. Looking at 31 twin studies that included over 30,000 individuals, they conclude that overall heritabililty of self-control is 60%.

But what, precisely, does that mean?

For two reasons, I think this finding defeats the “scary story” I told a few paragraphs ago.

First reason: however you interpret “heritability,” we see that plenty of self-control isn’t determined by it. And, if self-control isn’t fully heritable, then the environment can influence it.

Who helps create environment? Teachers do.

In other words: all those self-control strategies we’ve been blogging about aren’t foolishly trying to defy genetic destiny. Instead, they’ve got plenty of room to work in.

“Heritabililty” Isn’t (At ALL) What We Think It Is

The second reason this research can calm our fears about the scary story gets technical.

“Heritability” sounds like it answers this question: “how much of a particular trait is determined by genes?”

In other words: how much does genetic variety explain dyslexia? Or, propensity for violence? Or, working memory capacity?

That’s not what heritabililty means.

Instead, heritabililty measures the amount of variation in a particular trait explained by genes.

This difference takes a long time to explain. Happily, we’ve got an expert ready to explain it.

Here’s Robert Sapolsky: Stanford professor (and 3-time Learning and the Brain speaker):

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OareDiaR0hg

As I said, this kind of analysis can be tricky to follow. But the core message is crucial:

Environment matters for the development of self-control.

Yes, of course, genes have an influence on our self-control. But, so does the environment in which those genes create proteins, which — after a staggeringly complex process — influence behavior.

All those self-control boosting techniques you’ve been hearing about at Learning and the Brain conferences: you can have confidence. They might not change everything overnight.

But, they can indeed help. And, studies about heritability don’t mean what we think they do, so they shouldn’t discourage us from trying.


By the way, Sapolsky’s book Behave goes into this topic with clarity, humor, and precision. If you want to understand the nuances of genetic and environmental interactions, it’s a splendid read.

 

 

A Handy Summary of Memory Definitions, for Teachers and Students
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Here‘s a quick summary of information about memory: sensory memory, working memory, long-term memory, and (crucially!) forgetting.

Author Steven Turner presents this brisk overview to combat “buzzword wasteland.” He fears the education-world habit of coming up with fancy new terms every six months or so. Rather than scamper after every new fad, he’d like us to focus on the enduring basics.

Like: memory.

I myself think of “sensory memory” as a part of our attentional systems. As long as teachers remember the key point — students have VERY little perceptual capacity for incoming sensory information — it doesn’t really matter what we call it.

The information on this page might all be review. However, as we know well, spaced repetition helps learning. A chance to rethink these topics right now will be beneficial to our understanding.

Does Music Promote Students’ Creativity?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

If we want our students to think creatively, should they listen to music? If yes, does the timing matter?

Intuition might lead us either to a “yes” or to a “no.”

Yes: music might get students’ creative juices flowing. Especially if it’s upbeat, energetic, and particularly creative in itself, music might spark parallel creativity in our students’ thought processes.

No: on the other hand, music just might be a serious distraction. Students might focus so keenly on the music — or on trying to ignore the music — that they can’t focus on the creative work before them.

Do You Smell a CRAT?

Researcher Emma Threadgold used a common creativity test – with the unlikely acronym of CRAT – to answer this question.

Here’s how a CRAT works:

I give you three words: “dress,” “dial,” and “flower.”

You have to think of another word that – when combined with each of those words – produces a real word or phrase.

To solve a CRAT, you have to rifle through your word bank and try all sorts of combinations before – AHA! – you pull the correct answer up from the depths of your brain.

In this case, the correct answer is “sun”: as in, sundress, sundial, and sunflower.

The Results Are In

Threadgold and her team tested this creativity question several times, in order to explore several variables.

They played music with English lyrics, with foreign lyrics, and with no lyrics. They played upbeat, happy music.

They even played library noise – with the sound of a photocopier thrown in for good measure.

In every case, music made it harder to solve CRAT problems.

To put that in stark terms: music interfered with listeners’ creative thinking.

(For those of your interested in statistics, the Cohen’s d values here are astonishing. In one of the three studies, the difference between music and no music clocked in a d=2.86. That’s easily the highest d value I’ve seen in a psychology study. We’re typically impressed by a value above 0.67.)

Case Closed?

Having done such an admirably thorough study, has Threadgold’s team answered this question for good?

Nope.

As always, teachers should look not for one definitive study, but for several findings that point in the same direction.

And, we should also look for boundary conditions. This research might hold up for these particular circumstances. But: what other circumstances might apply?

For me, one obvious answer stands out: timing.

Other researchers have studied creativity by playing music before the creative task, not during it.

For instance, this study by Schellenberg found that upbeat music produces higher degrees of creativity in Canadian undergraduates AND in Japanese five-year-olds. (Unsurprisingly, the five-year-olds were especially creative after they sang songs themselves.)

In this study, crucially, they listened to the music before, not during, the task.

Threadgold’s study, in fact, cites other work where pre-test music enhanced creativity as well.

More Questions

Doubtless you can think of other related questions worth exploring.

Do people who learn to play music evince higher degrees of creativity in other tasks?

How about courses in music composition?

Music improvisation training?

Does this effect vary by age, by culture, by the kind of music being played?

For the time being, based on what I know about human attention systems, this study persuades me that playing music during the creative task is likely to be distracting.

Depending on what you want your students to do, you might investigate other essential variables.

__________________

On a related topic: for Dan Willingham’s thoughts on listening to music while studying, click here.

Taking Notes with Graphic Organizers
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

research-based advice for studentsWe’ve blogged (quite energetically) about the difference between handwritten and laptop notes.

Of course, other note-taking differences merit investigation as well.

For example: if students take handwritten notes, is it better to give them:

a complete lecture outline,

a partial lecture outline,

a bare-bones lecture outline,

or

a complete graphic organizer,

a partial one, or

an empty one?

Over at the Learning Scientists, Carolina Kuepper-Tetzel explores this question, and adds some thoughts of her own.

One Man’s Experience

This article particular caught my eye because it applies so directly to my own work.

When I talk with teachers, students, or parents about brains, I always provide them with option #5 above: an incomplete graphic organizer.

My goal: reduce working memory load. (I’m always focused on reducing extraneous working memory load.)

The informal feedback I get is strongly positive. Many teachers, in fact, tell me that they’ve started using the same form with their own students.

When you read Dr. Kuepper-Tetzel’s post, you’ll see how well (if at all) my practice accords with the research we have.