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Enjoyment or Skill? The Case of Reading [Repost]
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Student motivation has always been a concern; never more so than since the pandemic. What guidance do we get from recent research into reading?


Do we want our students to ENJOY math, or to BE SKILLED AT math?

At first, this question sounds like a false choice. Obviously, we want BOTH.

As an English teacher, I want my students to have fun analyzing the books we read…and I want their analyses to have heft, merit, and substance.

I suspect that most teachers, no matter the subject  — Math, English, Chemistry, Religion, Pickleball — want our students to revel in core ideas and arrive at correct answers.

At some times, alas, we probably need to prioritize one or the other. Especially at the beginning of a unit, should I focus on …

… ensuring that my students like this stuff (even if they don’t immediately understand it), or on

… ensuring they understand the stuff (even if they don’t immediately like it)?

In teaching as in life: if I try to accomplish both goals simultaneously, I’m likely to accomplish neither.

Reading Research

I’m not surprised to discover in a recent study that students’ enjoyment of reading correlates with their skill at reading.

That is: students who get high scores on various reading tests report enjoying reading more than their low-test-scoring peers.

Of course, correlation (say it with me) isn’t causation.

Does the enjoyment lead to the skill? The skill lead to the enjoyment?

Both?

Neither?

To answer these questions, Elsje van Bergen’s research team looked at twins in Finland — more than 3500 of them.

In theory, if we ask all the right questions, gather the right data, and run the right calculations, we should glean insight into the correlation/causation question.

So: what did Team van Bergen find?

But First…

Before you read the answers to that question, you might pause to make a committment. Try to decide NOW if you’re inclined to trust this methodology.

That is:

a) you think well-done twin studies are likely to be a good way to answer this question. For that reason, you will be inclined to accept this answer even if you initially disagree with it.

or

b) you think twin studies can’t answer questions about skill and enjoyment. Thus, you will not cite this study to support your beliefs even if it aligns with those beliefs.

If we’re going to use research to make decisions about education, we should be scrupulous about doing so even when research contradicts the conclusions we had initially held.

Answers, and Questions

Now, back to this post’s main narrative…

Unlike many studies, this one can be summarized in a few pithy sentences.

A young student looks at a book open on her desk and scratches her head in confusion

Based on the twin data they analyzed, van Bergen’s team concludes that:

  • reading skill increases reading enjoyment,
  • reading enjoyment has no effect on reading skill,
  • genetics influences both positively.

Unsurprisingly, the stats get all stats-y. But the above-the-fold headlines are that simple.

Because I don’t teach reading, I’ve always hesitated to be too opinionated on the topic. Now that this study is in the wild, I do think it adds a useful perspective while the reading wars rage on.

For instance: teachers whom I like and respect have told me that older methods might not have science behind them, but they’re excellent at “making students feel like readers.”

This claim has always puzzled me. How can a student feel like a reader if s/he can’t read?

Van Bergen’s study, I think, gives me permission to address that point directly: “this study suggests that skill at reading will be the more important place to start in reading instruction.”

Zooming the Camera Back

While this study and this post have focused on reading instruction, I do think there’s a broader message here as well.

We frequently hear about the importance of intrinsic motivation; that is, a motivation that springs from students’ natural interests, not from external encouragement (or pressure).

This study, to the contrary, finds that the work teachers do to improve students’ skill simultaneously enhances their motivation. That motivation might be — in effect — extrinsic; but, it’s working. (Working = students read better, and want to read more.)

Overall, I believe we need a substantial rethink of the (false) intrinsic/extrinsic dichotomy, and the (unhelpful) criticism of motivational strategies that many teachers currently find themselves using.

If you want to join me for just such a rethink, I’m giving a webinar for Learning and the Brain on April 5th. We’ll be talking about several research-informed approaches to intrinsic motivation, and brainstorming strategies to make those ideas fit in our classrooms.

I hope I’ll persuade you that we have better ways to talk about motivation than “intrinsic/extrinsic,” and those better ways give us useful teacherly guidance.

I hope you’ll join us!


van Bergen, E., Hart, S. A., Latvala, A., Vuoksimaa, E., Tolvanen, A., & Torppa, M. (2023). Literacy skills seem to fuel literacy enjoyment, rather than vice versa. Developmental Science26(3), e13325.

Book Review: 10 to 25, by David Yeager
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

As long as humans have lived into their teens, adults have complained about their behavior. Aristotle famously described this age cohort as “fickle, passionate, irascible, and apt to be carried away by their impulses.” If your experience aligns with mine, you’ve seen your share of grouchy selfishness and demotivation in your classroom — especially before 10 am.

Although complaints about adolescents have been around as long as adolescence, those gripes have grown sharper in recent months. PANDEMIC this and CELL PHONE that and AI CHEATING to boot – all these additional concerns have ramped up adult exhaustion with teenage too-muchness.

Given this bleak outlook – both historic and contemporary – what’s a middle-school or high-school teacher to do?

Happily, noted researcher Dr. David Yeager has wise thoughts – and LOTS of research – to give us hope. His recent book 10 to 25: The Science of Motivating Young People will guide and inspire teachers and school leaders.

START HERE

Before getting to specific suggestions, Yeager wants us to rethink our starting point. Whereas Plato and others start with a “deficit mindset” – seeing only bad behavior and gloomy prognosis – Yeager wants us to see the strengths and potentials in humans between the ages of 10 and 25.

So, for instance: you’ll often hear that “the human pre-frontal cortex isn’t fully wired until people reach their mid to late 20s!” The implication of this claim: without this “self-control center” fully developed, young ‘uns are doomed to erratic and immature behavior.

Yeager, however, has a different perspective. This additional time for important brain regions to develop gives growing youth the chance to adapt to the ever-changing world. As the computer people say: the drawn-out schedule of brain development “isn’t a bug, it’s a feature!”

In Yeager’s analysis, most adults respond to this time period with some blend of expectations and support. But most of us get that blend wrong.

Specifically:

  • Some of us default to HIGH expectations – but don’t offer much by way of support. It’s my way or the highway – and teens often find themselves out on that road. Yeager calls this blend the “enforcer” mindset.
  • Others offer HIGH support – and don’t worry too much about expectations. Not wanting to make a difficult time even harder, we soften standards when they seem too onerous. Yeager thinks of these folks as having a “protector” mindset.

Perhaps you can anticipate Yeager’s next move.

  • Adults with a “mentor” mindset balance HIGH expectations with HIGH support. This combination, in Yeager’s view, offers the best path to help adolescents navigate the 10-to-25 stage with optimal growth and development.

One of Yeager’s many strengths in this book: he doesn’t claim to be the only person to advocate for this “mentor mindset” balance. In fact, he carefully and respectfully charts the terminology that other scholars – Lewin, Baumrind, Scott – have used to describe these perspectives. I myself am likelier to take advice from scholars who conspicuously acknowledge their debts to others in the field; Yeager does just that.

WHAT TO DO

To help us translate this mentor’s mindset into specific action, Yeager outlines five broad approaches to help teens through these years: transparency, questioning, stress, purpose, and belonging. He devotes a chapter to each, offering both uplifting stories and scrupulous research to specify and support his case.

For instance, looks at the problem of stress – familiar to anyone dealing with emerging adults. We might, by way of shorthand, define stress as a situation where the DEMANDS of the moment exceed a student’s RESOURCES.

How might we respond?

  • Those with an enforcer mindset say: “Deal with it. The demands are the demands, so get the job done – with whatever resources you have.”
  • Those with a protector mindset say: “Well, that looks stressful. Let’s reduce the demands until the align with the resources you’ve got.”
  • A mentor’s mindset would encourage a different approach: “Let me help you increase your resources so that they match the demands that you face.” The mentor doesn’t reduce the requirements of the moment, but helps develop the skills or knowledge necessary to face it.

Yeager then explores a body of research (by Jameison and others) showing how to boost resources.

Specifically, students who understand the evolutionary history of stress responses recognize that all those seemingly unpleasant symptoms – the sweaty palms, the stomach butterflies – signal helpful physiological responses.

Once students have this additional resource – the knowledge to reframe their physiological responses to stress – they can face the demands of the current situation.

Voila: a mentor’s mindset, combined with research, helps us coach and support a student through an age-appropriate challenge.

HESITATIONS?

I always think a book review should include a caveat or two, but 10 to 25 makes this belief something of a challenge. Yeager writes conversationally, keeps the jargon to a minimum, and modestly acknowledges the difficulties of applying research-based ideas to real-life situations. He even includes a chapter of guided practice to ensure the book’s suggestions take root.

My only consistent concern: as noted above, the book draws on both research and “uplifting” stories. More than most readers, perhaps, I find myself reacting to uplift with suspicion. An uplifting story is – from another perspective – simply an anecdote. I don’t think we should rely on anecdotes to make teaching decisions. And I especially resist stories about life far outside of school – say, in Microsoft training programs.

(I should say: I’m probably an outlier here. Many people find anecdotes a helpful way to translate research-y principles into real-life situations.)

This modest critique aside, Yeager’s book both explains and organizes lots of research. In this way, it helps teachers think differently about real challenges in our work, and gives us clear guidance about what to do.

If you wish you had a clearer set of principles to help motivate and support an emerging adult, Yeager’s book is for you.

Three Words Aren’t Enough: Rethinking Motivation
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Let’s imagine that I — a 10th grade classroom teacher — want to motivate my students. I discover this list of motivational suggestions:

  1. listen to students
  2. give them time for independent work
  3. provide time for students to speak
  4. acknowledge students’ improvement
  5. encourage their effort
  6. offer them hints when they’re stuck
  7. respond to their comments and questions
  8. acknowledge students’ perspectives

Even better, I’m told that this list has RESEARCH behind it.

Before we dive in and adopt these suggestions, let’s pause for just a moment. Please look over that list and ask yourself: “if I were a student, would I feel more academically motivated if my teacher did any or all of those things?”

[I’m pausing here so you can review the list.]

Welcome back. If you like these suggestions, I’ve got some good news for you:

For a few decades now, Richard Deci and Edward Ryan have developed self-determination theory: a theory of academic motivation that gets LOTS of love. The headlines sound like this:

“If we want to improve our students’ academic motivation, we should be sure that they feel

  • AUTONOMY,
  • RELATEDNESS, and
  • COMPETENCE

in the classroom.”

Those three feelings — again: autonomy, relatedness, and competence — foster all sorts of good human outcomes, including academic motivation.

I have even better news. Unlike almost all psychology theories, self-determination theory uses these words in their everyday meaning. I don’t need to offer several paragraphs of translation to describe what Deci and Ryan mean by “autonomy.” They mean EXACTLY what you think they mean.

(This news might not sound like a big deal. But — trust me — in the world of cognitive psychology, few scholars offer clear terminology.)

I’ve described my three-word summary as “the headlines” of Deci and Ryan’s theory. But my blog title says that three words aren’t enough. What happens when we go beyond those three words?

Not So Fast

We should start by admitting that LOTS of people who talk about self-determination theory don’t get past these headlines. You’ll read SDT summaries that list and define those words, and then conclude with uplifting advice: “teachers — just go do that!”

Alas, I think even the headlines themselves raise pressing questions.

For instance: to my ear, “autonomy” and “relatedness” suggest two contrasting vibes. The words don’t exactly contradict one another — they’re not antonyms. But it’s easy to imagine a teaching strategy that INCREASES one but REDUCES the other.

For instance, let’s look at point #6 on the motivational list above: “offer struggling students a hint when they’re stuck.”

  • On the one hand, that advice could certainly foster a sense of relatedness in the classroom.
    • A student might think: “I was struggling, and the teacher noticed and helped me. This is a great class!” This student didn’t precisely use the word “relatedness,” but that vibe is in the air.
  • At the same time, offering hints might lessen another student’s sense of autonomy.
    • This student might think: “Does this guy think I’m completely helpless? I would have gotten it if he just left me alone. Sheesh.” So much for feelings of autonomy.

Let’s throw “competence” into this mix. If I offer a struggling student a hint, she might think:

  • “Oh, wow — I can solve this problem now! I feel so happy an successful!” She exudes an aura of joyful competence. Or
  • “Oh, wow — my teacher thinks I’m so hopeless that he has to offer me the answer on a platter. I must be the biggest loser in this class.” Her feelings of competence have clearly drained away.

Yes, you will hear “autonomy! relatedness!! competence!!!” offered as a formula to enhance student motivation. But I don’t think this formula — or ANY formula — works simply as a formula.

Reading the Fine Print

SDT’s emphasis on autonomy, relatedness, and comptence DOES provide an excellent place to start our pedagogical thinking. And, we need to keep going.

Each of the eight strategies listed above has been researched as a way to enhance student autonomy. Before we use any of them, however, I think we should stop and ask reasonable questions:

  1. What are the potential conflicts here? Will this strategy enhance one of the Big Three, but harm another?
  2. What are the individual differences here? Will this student respond to the strategy by feeling more competent, while that student responds by feeling more foolish?
  3. What are the cultural differences here? Will students in — say — Korea find a particular autonomy strategy confounding while their counterparts in — say — Brazil find that same strategy encouraging? (To be clear: I’m being entirely speculative here. I don’t know enough about either of those cultures to even attempt an example.)

I’ll offer one more example, simply to emphasize the concerns that trouble me.

Strategy #2 says that we should “give students time for independent work.”

  • On the one hand, what could possibly be more foundational to teaching. OF COURSE students need time to work on their own.
    • As a motivational benefit, all this independent work might make them feel autonomous and competent.
  • On the other hand, students who lack appropriate prior knowledge could be overwhelmed and demotivated by all that time to work alone. What should they be doing? How do they do it?
    • Motivationally, they have no partner to rely on (so much for “relatedness”), and feel their own lack of skill all too forcibly (good bye “competence”).

In other words: if I worry that my students lack motivation, I shouldn’t simply look at that list and pick one that sounds uplifting and research-y. “Oh, yes, I’ll give them independent work time — they’ll feel more motivated!”

Instead, I should look at the list and ask myself those follow-up questions. In brief, does this uplifting and research-y teaching strategy fit my students’ current educational and motivational needs? Have I considered both upsides and downsides?

In fact: these concerns about self-determination theory point to a broader challenge that teachers face when trying to implement research-backed strategies.

The Bigger Picture

In writing this post, I am using self-determination theory as an example of a larger problem. Research and researchers certainly can — and should!! — offer classroom teachers practical guidance.

And: we should always filter that guidance with friendly-but-persistent questions:

  1. How good is this research? How many studies arrive at roughly the same conclusion?
  2. Will this guidance benefit MY students (not just someone’s students)?
  3. Does the benefit over here create a problem over there?
  4. Does the cost — in money and in time — outweigh the potential benefit?

And so forth.

In brief: let’s use research to inform our practice. And: let’s also commit to being educators who dig deeper and ask tougher questions. The best teaching happens not when we follow scripts and formulas, but when we think carefully about the unique circumstances and students in our classrooms.


Reeve, J., & Jang, H. (2006). What teachers say and do to support students’ autonomy during a learning activity. Journal of educational psychology98(1), 209.

Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2020). Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation from a self-determination theory perspective: Definitions, theory, practices, and future directions. Contemporary educational psychology61, 101860.

Do *Goals* Motivate Students? How about *Feedback*?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Motivation has been a HOT TOPIC this year in all the schools I’ve visited. Everywhere I go, I get questions about students’ apathy and indifference, and teachers’ frustration.

So, what can schools and teachers do?

Well, Self-Determination Theory offers a framework to answer that pressing question.

In this post, I’m going to introduce the theory — with a focus on its key concepts.

And then I’ll describe a study which helpfully reveals the complexity of enacting the theory wisely.

And, yes, as this post’s title suggests, that helpful study focuses on goals and feedback as motivational strategies.

Let’s see what researchers have discovered about the motivational benefits of goals and feedback.

Introducing Self-Determination Theory

Like many theories, self-determination theory (SDT) can be easily caricatured. Here’s the caricature:

  • Extrinsic motivation BAD!
  • Intrinsic motivation GOOD!!

These six words fall short in lots of ways, starting with this startling observation. SDT doesn’t contrast intrinsic and extrinsic motivation.

Instead, it defines six (yes, SIX) different motivational states — including four (yes, FOUR) different kinds of extrinsic motivation.

Here’s the kicker:

  • Unsurprisingly, intrinsic motivation is GOOD for learning.
  • Surprisingly, two flavors of extrinsic motivation are ALSO good for learning. (The other two flavors: not so much.)

The scholars who created the theory — Deci and Ryan — have a name for “good flavors of extrinsic motivation”; they call them “autonomous extrinsic motivation.”

At the top of this blog post, I asked: what can teachers do about apathetic students? Deci and Ryan answer: “foster the good kinds of motivation.”

Let’s Get Fostering!

Okay, if “the good kinds of motivation” can help, how do we teachers conjure them?

If I’m understanding SDT correctly, it includes bad news and good news.

  • Bad news: we really can’t create intrinsic motivation (as Deci and Ryan define it).
  • Good news: we really CAN create autonomous extrinsic motivation, which — as you recall — benefits learning.

We foster this good extrinsic motivation by focusing on three internal experiences: autonomy, relatedness, and competence.

That is: the more that my students feel in control (“autonomous”), close to one another (“related”), and effective at dealing with their environment (“competent”), the more autonous extrinsic motivation they will experience. And: the more they will learn.

The obvious implication of this theory, then: let’s focus on enhancing our students’ autonomy, relatedness, and competence.

Plausible Start

When I talk with teachers about this theory, they can easily start to brainstorm suggestions for creating autonomy, relatedness, and competence — and, presumably, the good kind of extrinsic motivation.

As a thought experiment, we can easily imagine that clear goals will have those results. And, while we’re at it, we might predict that process feedback will likewise.

Several middle school students eagerly raise their hands to answer questions

But let’s go beyond a thought experiment. Let’s have an experiment experiment — with students and data and calculations and all that good stuff.

What happens?

Happily, a research team in the Netherlands wanted to know. They ran a survey study with almost 600 students — aged 11 to 18 — in PE classes.

They asked two sets of questions.

First: did the teachers clarify the goals during class? That is, did they…

  • … tell the students what they were going to learn, or
  • … how they would be evaluated?

Likewise, did they offer process feedback? That is, did they …

  • … encourage reflection on how to improve, or
  • … discuss how to use the students’ strengths?

And so forth.

Second: they asked if the students experienced greater autonomy, relatedness, and/or competence.

To be thorough, they also asked if they experienced LESS autonomy, relatedness, and/or competence.

Once they crunched all the numbers, what did this research team find?

Not Surprising, or Surprising?

From one perspective, this study seems to be asking rather obvious questions. I mean: OF COURSE students will feel more autonomous if we tell them what the goals are, or more related if we give them feedback.

What other result would we expect?

Here’s the thing: in the world of research, we don’t just assume; we measure. And, sure enough, those measurements gave us the results we (probably) expected.

Yesclear goals enhance autonomy, relatedness, and competence.

And yesprocess feedback does too.

At the same time, the number crunching also provided surprising results.

In some cases, process feedback reduced two of those classroom experiences: “relatedness” and “competence.”

While this result might seem surprising at first, I think it’s easy to understand the chain of emotional events here.

If I give my students lots of feedback, they might feel like I’m hovering or pestering or interfering.

Of course, “hovering, pestering, and interfering” could quite easily reduce the quality of the teacher/student relationship. And, they might also reduce my students’ feelings of competence.

In other words: all that feedback could suggest the students are not doing very well. And that feeling of incompetence could — in turn — reduce the quality of their relationship with the teacher.

Solving the Conundrum

So, which is it? Should teachers give students process feedback because it enhances autonomy, relatedness, and competence? Or, should we limit process feedback, because it reduces relatedness and competence?

As is so often the case, I think we answer that question by rethinking the relationship between research and classroom practice.

Research can almost never tell teachers what to do. Instead, research is awesome at helping us think about what we do.

In this case, our thought process might sound something like this:

  • I want to create autonomous extrinsic motivation, so I should enhance my students’ sense of competence.
  • [Thinking]
  • I wonder if I can promote competence by giving them lots of feedback during today’s class.
  • [more thinking]
  • Now that I think about it, my feedback could enhance their sense of competence. But if I give too much feedback — or unwanted feedback — students could infer that I don’t have confidence in them.
  • [even more thinking]
  • So, I’ll put a note in my lesson plan to make time for feedback. But first, I need to think about the cues my students give me when the feedback is just too much…

Of course, those cues will look different depending on context.

  • 2nd graders will give different cues than 7th graders.
  • I suspect that — for cultural reasons — students in Japan signal frustration differently than those in New Zealand.
  • Students react differently to the cool, with-it teacher than they do with me. (It’s been a minute since I was the cool, with-it teacher.)

And so forth.

But if I consider self-determination theory as a THOUGHT PROCESS, not a TO-DO LIST, I’m much likelier to get the results I want.

In this case: my feedback is likelier to enhance than reduce competence. It’s therefore likelier to promote autonomous extrinsic motivation.

And my students are likelier to learn.


Krijgsman, C., Mainhard, T., van Tartwijk, J., Borghouts, L., Vansteenkiste, M., Aelterman, N., & Haerens, L. (2019). Where to go and how to get there: Goal clarification, process feedback and students’ need satisfaction and frustration from lesson to lesson. Learning and Instruction61, 1-11.

Enjoyment or Skill? The Case of Reading
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Do we want our students to ENJOY math, or to BE SKILLED AT math?

At first, this question sounds like a false choice. Obviously, we want BOTH.

As an English teacher, I want my students to have fun analyzing the books we read…and I want their analyses to have heft, merit, and substance.

I suspect that most teachers, no matter the subject  — Math, English, Chemistry, Religion, Pickleball — want our students to revel in core ideas and arrive at correct answers.

At some times, alas, we probably need to prioritize one or the other. Especially at the beginning of a unit, should I focus on …

… ensuring that my students like this stuff (even if they don’t immediately understand it), or on

… ensuring they understand the stuff (even if they don’t immediately like it)?

In teaching as in life: if I try to accomplish both goals simultaneously, I’m likely to accomplish neither.

Reading Research

I’m not surprised to discover in a recent study that students’ enjoyment of reading correlates with their skill at reading.

That is: students who get high scores on various reading tests report enjoying reading more than their low-test-scoring peers.

Of course, correlation (say it with me) isn’t causation.

Does the enjoyment lead to the skill? The skill lead to the enjoyment?

Both?

Neither?

To answer these questions, Elsje van Bergen’s research team looked at twins in Finland — more than 3500 of them.

In theory, if we ask all the right questions, gather the right data, and run the right calculations, we should glean insight into the correlation/causation question.

So: what did Team van Bergen find?

But First…

Before you read the answers to that question, you might pause to make a committment. Try to decide NOW if you’re inclined to trust this methodology.

That is:

a) you think well-done twin studies are likely to be a good way to answer this question. For that reason, you will be inclined to accept this answer even if you initially disagree with it.

or

b) you think twin studies can’t answer questions about skill and enjoyment. Thus, you will not cite this study to support your beliefs even if it aligns with those beliefs.

If we’re going to use research to make decisions about education, we should be scrupulous about doing so even when research contradicts the conclusions we had initially held.

Answers, and Questions

Now, back to this post’s main narrative…

Unlike many studies, this one can be summarized in a few pithy sentences.

A young student looks at a book open on her desk and scratches her head in confusion

Based on the twin data they analyzed, van Bergen’s team concludes that:

  • reading skill increases reading enjoyment,
  • reading enjoyment has no effect on reading skill,
  • genetics influences both positively.

Unsurprisingly, the stats get all stats-y. But the above-the-fold headlines are that simple.

Because I don’t teach reading, I’ve always hesitated to be too opinionated on the topic. Now that this study is in the wild, I do think it adds a useful perspective while the reading wars rage on.

For instance: teachers whom I like and respect have told me that older methods might not have science behind them, but they’re excellent at “making students feel like readers.”

This claim has always puzzled me. How can a student feel like a reader if s/he can’t read?

Van Bergen’s study, I think, gives me permission to address that point directly: “this study suggests that skill at reading will be the more important place to start in reading instruction.”

Zooming the Camera Back

While this study and this post have focused on reading instruction, I do think there’s a broader message here as well.

We frequently hear about the importance of intrinsic motivation; that is, a motivation that springs from students’ natural interests, not from external encouragement (or pressure).

This study, to the contrary, finds that the work teachers do to improve students’ skill simultaneously enhances their motivation. That motivation might be — in effect — extrinsic; but, it’s working. (Working = students read better, and want to read more.)

Overall, I believe we need a substantial rethink of the (false) intrinsic/extrinsic dichotomy, and the (unhelpful) criticism of motivational strategies that many teachers currently find themselves using.

If you want to join me for just such a rethink, I’m giving a webinar for Learning and the Brain on April 5th. We’ll be talking about several research-informed approaches to intrinsic motivation, and brainstorming strategies to make those ideas fit in our classrooms.

I hope I’ll persuade you that we have better ways to talk about motivation than “intrinsic/extrinsic,” and those better ways give us useful teacherly guidance.

I hope you’ll join us!


van Bergen, E., Hart, S. A., Latvala, A., Vuoksimaa, E., Tolvanen, A., & Torppa, M. (2023). Literacy skills seem to fuel literacy enjoyment, rather than vice versa. Developmental Science26(3), e13325.

Putting It All Together: Connecting “Motivation” with “Teaching Style”
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Researchers tend to focus on particular topics in education.

Some folks study attention, while others look at motivation.

A research team here might look at working memory, while that team over there considers sleep.

And: let’s not forget about technology!

Of course, it’s useful to have specialists in each of these fields; each one is highly complicated.

At the same time, as teachers, we need to understand how all the pieces fit together.

College student smiling while taking notes on while studying

After all, if I’m successfully managing my students’ working memory load, but they’re not paying attention, then all my working-memory efforts have gone to waste.

For this reason, we’d like greater clarity about putting the pieces together.

For instance, you might wonder: what’s the relationship between cognitive load and motivation?

I’m so glad you asked…

Calling Austrialia

In a recently-published study, an international group of researchers asked almost 1300 Australian students in grades 7-10 to fill out surveys about their academic experience.

Some questions asked student to rate their teachers’ efforts to reduce the complexity of the material (that is, the “instructional load”):

On a scale of 1-7, they responded to statements like:

“When we learn new things in class, the teacher makes it easy at first.”

“As we work on tasks or activities in this class, the teacher gives good assistance.”

“In this class, the teacher makes sure we get enough practice before moving on to new tasks or activities.”

Other statements focused mental work the students were doing (that is, their “cognitive load”):

“The work in this class is very difficult for me.”

“The way information is presented in this class is too complex.”

Still others inquired about the teachers’ motivational strategies, and the students’ experience of motivation:

“The teacher communicates which learning goals he/she expects you to accomplish
by the end of the lesson;”

“The teacher doesn’t plan or organize too much. The lesson will just happen;”

“The teacher offers a very interesting, highly engaging lesson;”

“The teacher insists that you have to finish all your required work—no exceptions, no excuses”

As you can see right away, these researchers have an ENORMOUS amount of data to crunch as they calculate the relationships among all these variables.

By the way, we should note the researchers’ method here: they’re considering survey data. Some people — quite reasonably — worry that survey data can’t really capture classroom reality.

For instance, a student might perceive that “the teacher doesn’t plan or organize too much. The lesson will just happen.” But that perception might be entirely inaccurate.

With that caveat in mind, what did the researchers find?

The (Basic) Results: Reversing Assumptions

Given all the variables measured above, we can expect LOTS of findings — reported in graphs and equations and declarations.

What does it all boil down to?

The simple summary reverses a common belief.

Teachers often assume that “when my students feel motivated, they will learn more.”

These data suggest that “when my students learn more, they feel motivated.”

More precisely: according to the survey data, teachers who ensure that cognitive load remains managable help students learn more. That additional learning correlates with higher subsequent motivation.

This finding makes a rough-n-ready sense. For example: my students rarely clamor to learn grammar; they are, honestly, not super motivated to do so.

However, part of their demotivation results from the fact that grammar learning is notoriously difficult. (“Object complements,” anyone?) My students just feel bad when they keep failing at it.

If I teach well — that is, if I reduce the cognitive load of learning grammar — they are likelier to succeed at doing so. Result: they feel less demotivated. Heck, they might even feel motivated.

The (Advanced) Results: All That Lingo

Research ain’t research if it doesn’t include lots of niche-y terminology.

Unfortunately, as is often the case, the terminology here gets rather confusing.

Because the research team draws on two very different fields (working memory, motivation), and two different theories (cognitive load, self-determination), we can easily get bogged down in the terminological niceties.

For example, the researches consider a teacher’s motivational style along two axes: do the teachers support or thwart students’ needs; are they highly directive or not. The resulting four quadrants are broken down into further sub-categories, resulting in — I’m not joking here — EIGHT different teaching styles: “attuning,” “guiding,” “clarifying,” “demanding,” “domineering,” and so forth.

The word “autonomy” — quite an important word in self-determination theory — leads to particular puzzles.

We might reasonably think that “autonomy” means “the teacher encourages students by giving them relatively more freedom to explore and solve problems on their own.” However, in this terminological world:

“Autonomy support … directs attention towards activities that are necessary for learning, thus reducing the proportion of cognitive load that is extraneous.”

Which is to say, teachers support autonomy by “directing” students in specific ways. Lots of student freedom might sound “autonomous,” but that’s not what the word “autonomy” means in this context.

To Sum Up

I’ve focused on this terminology because I think the study’s results are easy to misunderstand.

Here is their conclusion, quoted from the abstract:

We conclude that by using load-reducing strategies and a motivating style characterized by structure and autonomy support, teachers can reduce students’ cognitive load and improve their self-regulated motivation, engagement, and achievement.

In that sentence, “autonomy support” does NOT mean “give students lots of freedom” or “be sure to emphasize voice and choice.” Instead, it means “students can think effectively and autonomously when teachers direct them towards specific and manageable cognitive work.”

That effective thinking, it turn, results in more learning, and higher levels of motivation.

The big picture: by putting together two distinct research fields — cognitive load theory and self determination theory — we can start to get a clearer picture of complex classroom realities.


 

 

A final note:

The title of this blog post includes the phrase “teaching style” because the researchers use it.

That phrase, however, does NOT mean that “learning styles” are a thing. They’re not.


Evans, P., Vansteenkiste, M., Parker, P., Kingsford-Smith, A., & Zhou, S. (2024). Cognitive Load Theory and Its Relationships with Motivation: a Self-Determination Theory Perspective. Educational Psychology Review36(1), 7.

Get It Done by Ayelet Fishbach
Erik Jahner, PhD
Erik Jahner, PhD

Screenshot 2024-01-23 at 12.24.30 PMOver the last few months, I have been working with a student who is retaking a class for a third time, not failing because the material was difficult for her but because she just could not get herself to progress. This is a pattern in college and life for her. She expresses a strong desire to succeed but struggles to muster the motivation needed to stay on track. Often, she begins a course or class projects with great intentions but finds her motivation waning over time. She even sets clear goals and then watches them sit on her desk. The recurring message she receives from others (and increasingly from herself) has been perhaps that she doesn’t want it badly enough, but when she self-reflects, this is a sentiment she vehemently disagrees with. She wants it with all her heart, and it brings her to tears but has been lost on how to move from “want” to “motivated.”

While engaging with her I began to read Get It Done: Surprising Lessons from the Science of Motivation by Ayelet Fishbach. And wow what a timely read! Unlike traditional productivity books, Fishbach delves into the science of motivation and offers insights on how to bridge the gap between wanting to do something and actually accomplishing it.

Engaging in discussions with my student about goal-setting and goal-sustaining advice from this book appears to have breathed new life into her journey. She has begun to see motivation as a skill that can be cultivated and is enthusiastic about doing so, especially within a social context of both our classroom interactions as well as working with her family. Importantly this enthusiasm is sustained. This experience has led me to view this book not only as a valuable self-help resource but also as a tool to assist others. Instead of dictating what individuals should do, it equips you with the scaffolding necessary to guide conversations with yourself and others that can support self-actualization.

The book’s first three parts primarily focus on three key ingredients for improving your drive to accomplish projects, not just mechanically getting lists of tasks done. Firstly, Fishbach provides guidance on articulating your goals effectively, ensuring that they serve as a driving force not just an artifact. Secondly, she addresses the challenge of maintaining motivation throughout the journey towards your goals. Lastly, she emphasizes the interconnectedness of our goals within the context of our busy lives and offers essential strategies to manage multiple goals.

She highlights the importance of recognizing that goal achievement is not solely an individual endeavor, but something influenced by our interactions with others. By harnessing these social connections, you can propel yourself forward and, in turn, help those around you. In the fourth section of the book Fishbach promotes the idea that goal-setting is a collaborative effort that can strengthen relationships. Through great stores and points of discussion, she equips readers with tools to become better mentors to their students or support systems for their families.

As a productivity book, this is also an easy read. While the insights are original and grounded in scientific research, these stories are informative, enjoyable, and brief. Any good productivity book should be a quick easy read from which you can extract useful tips and understand why you are about to embark on the suggestions offered, not a long drawn-out process that becomes another difficult goal to attain. While succeeding in this regard, this book is also hugely helpful to complement any other productivity methodology demonstrating that goals are not only things that need to get done but they add meaning to our lives, something often missed in other books.

In a world where people often feel disconnected, “Get It Done” serves as a valuable guide to socializing the practice of setting and achieving goals. It not only helps you enhance your self-control, patience, and mindset but also encourages a sense of community and shared purpose in pursuing meaningful goals.

Reframing Motivation: Urgent vs. Interesting
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

You are walking through a museum after closing time, peering into room after room.

You might be planning a heist. Or, you might be executing a heist.

Does that distinction — “planning” vs. “executing” — influence your memories of what you see and learn?

According to recent research: yup.*

Here’s the story…

Bring in the Big Words

Research isn’t research unless we use fancy latinate words to name things. So, let’s get that done:

This study’s authors posit a difference between motivational states: interrogative vs. imperative. (I’m sorry that those words are so alike; don’t shoot the messenger.)

According to this study, interrogative motivation links to

“broad attention and expansive information-seeking, which supports learning associations, developing cognitive maps, and, putatively, attaining future goals.”

That sounds REALLY GOOD, doesn’t it?

On the other hand, imperative motivation comes from a

“salient, urgent goal, yielding restricted information-seeking and memory that efficiently represents predictors of the imperative goal.”

So, this second motivation state focuses on predictors of the urgent (“imperative”) goal…but restricts memory more broadly.

For that reason, it’s not necessarily a bad motivational state — we want students to succeed at urgent goals! But it certainly sounds less aligned with most teaching and learning goals than the “broad attention and expansive information seeking” prompted by interrogative motivation.

So there we have it:

Interrogative = curious exploring to benefit future tasks

Imperative = urgent focus on current tasks

Let’s Get Thieving

Having established this distinction — interrogative vs. imperative — the researchers tested their idea with the museum heist story described above.

As you no doubt can see, people in the process of stealing paintings have a “salient, urgent goal”: steal the most valuable ones right now. That is: they’re in an imperative motivational state.

Those planning to steal paintings also want to get the good stuff; however, they have more time to explore, inquire, and double-check. They’re in an interrogative motivational state. (I am, of course, speaking from my own extensive experience of stealing from museums.)

So: does this cover story make any difference for the participants? According to the researchers’ (complex!) findings:

In the short term, those in an imperative motivational state (“steal now!”) did better — they stole more valuable paintings.

In the longer term — the next day — those in an interrogative motivational state (“plan now, steal later!”) REMEMBERED more of the paintings, and the information about them.

Cool, no?

Teaching Implications

At this moment, I’m switching from research summary to teacherly imagination. That is: the researchers don’t make the specific claims that I’m about to suggest.

But:

It seems to me helpful to remember that the narrative frameworks we offer our students matter.

If we tell them they’re learning this topic because THEY NEED TO DO SOMETHING IMPORTANT WITH IT RIGHT NOW, that imperative state will — sure enough — focus them on the most salient details.

And, if we tell they they’re learning the topic because THOUGHTFUL EXPLORATION WILL BENEFIT THEM DOWN THE ROAD, they’ll take more time to meander, explore, and muse. And: they’ll remember more.

Now — at times — that first strategy just might be the right one.

But I suspect that, more often, we want students to stroll through the museum and take it all in. That is: our students probably benefit from an interrogative motivational state more often than an imperative one — although imperative states also have occasional benefits.

Once More with the Caveats

Long-time readers know that I just have to add caveats.

First: this study is VERY new — published in mid 2023. I’ve looked at my standard resources (scite.ai, connectedpapers.com) and found literally NO related research.

In other words: this research approach is so new that others in the field haven’t had much time to process it officially yet.

Second: I think the research task might limit the applicability of the findings.

That is: “planning a museum heist” sounds cool/fun/intriguing — well, at least to me. So, I suspect the zest of the task might shape motivational states.

Thief peering around the corner of a wall at painting he might steal from a museum

Will the distinction between “imperative” and “interrogative” motivation matter when the students are studying … say … finding the area under a curve?

Or: Boyle’s law?

Or: diphthongs, the subjunctive, and the infield fly rule?

We don’t know yet, because we haven’t researched this strategy in classrooms. (At least: as far as I know.)

TL;DR

Students use and remember information differently depending on the motivational framework they’re in.

When doing work framed as “urgent/imperative,” they focus on success critera (good!) but don’t remember much else (potentially bad!).

When doing work framed as “useful for the future,” they focus less on immediate success (potentially bad), but remember more information later (good!).

Teachers might (might!) be able to use this distinction in guiding our own students’ work.

 


*  This research study is behind a paywall; my write-up is based on a pre-print. I’d be surprised if the differences between the draft I read and the final version mattered, but it’s possible.


Sinclair, A. H., Wang, Y. C., & Adcock, R. A. (2023). Instructed motivational states bias reinforcement learning and memory formation. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences120(31), e2304881120.

Bright Kids Who Couldn’t Care Less by Ellen Braaten
Erik Jahner, PhD
Erik Jahner, PhD

bright kidsIn Bright Kids Who Couldn’t Care Less: How to Rekindle Your Child’s Motivation, Ellen Braaten delivers a valuable resource for parents facing the challenges of raising a child who embodies what a creative parent aptly termed a “malaizy” child – a fusion of malaise and laziness. However, the book extends beyond this concept, offering a guide to connecting with oneself as a parent and with one’s child. It presents an easy-to-read and practical approach to parenting, skillfully integrating theory without overwhelming the reader. Through authentic examples, the author engages readers in understanding the dynamics of parent-child relationships, providing valuable insights into how to engage their child with the world around them and navigate the evolving landscape of parenting when their child lacks motivation as expected.

Crucially, while it may initially seem that the book caters solely to parents of young children, it offers a significant benefit by tailoring advice to various age brackets, ranging from five-year-olds to young adults in college. This inclusivity ensures that parents can find relevant insights and guidance not only for their current parenting challenges but also for those that may arise in the future.

The book weaves authentic stories of parents and their children into its narrative, exemplifying and fostering curiosity and creativity in the reader’s own experience. This approach not only captivates the reader but also compels them to apply the book’s contents to their own parenting journey.

The initial part of the book lays the foundation by exploring the concept of motivation and introducing key terms and basic theory. While the book does touch on theory, it does so lightly, ensuring that readers are not overwhelmed by technicalities. It sets the stage for a deeper dive into the factors that influence a child’s motivation – aptitude, pleasure, and practice. In recognizing that every child can experience a loss of motivation, the book emphasizes the importance of considering three essential factors: aptitude (natural talent), pleasure (the joy derived from their interests), and practice (repeated efforts to enhance skills). While these three elements interconnect, they each contribute a distinct aspect to the overall picture.

The subsequent part of the book delves further into these factors within the context of societal expectations and a child’s unique personality. It encourages parents to understand and adapt their parenting style to better align with their child’s motivation. The focus then shifts to goal-setting, with the book highlighting that happiness is a byproduct of pursuing meaningful objectives. It reinforces the idea that goals should not be seen as static endpoints, but rather as dynamic journeys filled with opportunities for growth and evolution. Additionally, the book offers guidance on addressing contemporary challenges such as managing sleep schedules, navigating social media, and accommodating learning differences.

However, there are moments when situations fall outside the realm of basic advice, requiring a more detailed exploration. In these instances, the author addresses concerns about a child’s motivation that extend beyond a simple “don’t care” attitude, providing valuable guidance for parents.

Throughout the book, the author consistently emphasizes the importance of seeking additional information and encouraging a shift in both the parent’s and their child’s perspectives on the world. Understanding one’s child and oneself is depicted as the cornerstone of effective parenting. The book seeks to empower parents, offering them ample reasons for optimism and embarking on an intriguing journey of nurturing and motivating their children. Indeed, this book reframes the notion of parenting an unmotivated child as an adventure rather than a burden.

Each chapter concludes with a practical plan of action, outlining what to think about, what to talk about, and what steps to take. This approach underscores the author’s recognition that parents not only desire theoretical knowledge but also seek practical tools to foster meaningful conversations with their children. It also addresses the often-overlooked aspect of parenting, which involves reframing one’s thinking about parenting. The author’s approach revolves around understanding both oneself and one’s child, working collaboratively with the child to help them make the most of their learning and life journey.

The book equips parents with practical tools, including diagrams and surveys, to facilitate a deeper understanding of both their child and themselves as parents. This self-awareness stands as a crucial component of the book’s message, emphasizing that it’s not solely about engaging with one’s child but also about comprehending one’s unique role as a parent. The author further highlights the need for parents to explore beyond the book’s pages, providing a valuable list of resources at the end. These resources guide readers toward additional insights and direction for their ongoing parenting journey.

In summary, Bright Kids Who Couldn’t Care Less is a must-read for parents seeking a comprehensive and actionable guide to understanding, nurturing, and maximizing their children’s motivation. It caters not only to parents of disengaged children but is a valuable resource for any parent. The book seamlessly blends storytelling with practical advice, empowering parents to confidently navigate the intricate terrain of parenting with optimism. It serves as an excellent introduction, providing parents with a solid foundation as they navigate the often rocky and unpredictable path of supporting their disengaged child.

It’s All in the Timing: Improving Study Skills with Just-Right Reminders
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Some research-based teaching advice requires complex rethinking of our work.

For instance:

We know that “desirable difficulties” like spacing and interleaving help students learn. At the same time, this strategy might require a fair amount of reorganization in our unit plans.

On the other hand, today’s suggestions could hardly be simpler. They go like this:

First: encourage students to use a straightforward self-talk strategy (see below).

Second: remind them frequently.

The likely result; they’ll learn more!

The First Step: A Self-Talk Strategy

Our students often know what they should do. But, they struggle to make themselves do it.

So many plausible excuses. So many reasons NOT to follow through!

Over two decades ago, researchers devised a remarkably simple way to redirect those excuses: “if-then” statements.

The strategy goes like this:

The student starts by setting a goal.

“I want to read 15 pages of the novel.”

She then lists the likely problems that could interfere with that goal.

“My dog could distract me.”

“I could get bored.”

“I could get a text.”

Next, she lists solutions to those likely problems — phrased as “if-then” statements.

If my dog distracts me, then I’ll ask my brother to play with him.”

If my phone buzzes, then I’ll turn it off and give it to my parents.”

We have good research suggesting that this “if-then” structure creates highly beneficial mental shortcuts.

At the moment of distraction, the student doesn’t have to decide what to do. She has already decided; she simply has to execute the plan she made for herself.

This strategy sounds too simple to work. But, we’ve got good research suggesting it does.

A Second Step: Well-timed Reminders

So far, this strategy could hardly be simpler. Students set goals, make “if-then” plans, and get to work.

A recent study asks a useful question: how often should teachers remind students about these “if-then” plans?

Here’s a useful analogy:

When you take a medication, you probably don’t take all of it all at once. Instead, you probably take one pill a day — or something like that. The whole course of medication is divided into doses.

Well, should teachers divide this strategy into doses? Does it matter how often we prescribe this study “medication”?

Researchers, led by Dr. Jasmin Breitwieser, explored these questions with medical students in Germany.

The details of the study get complicated quickly. But the headlines go like this:

Students in the control group set daily study goals, but did not make if-then statements.

Students in the study group also set daily goals, and “internalized” this statement:

If I am thinking about stopping [before I reach my goal], then I will tell myself that I will continue to answer questions until I have reached my intended workload!

Students in this second group got reminders on various schedules — as many as 3 days in a row, and as many as 3 days without a reminder.

So: what did the researchers find?

Results Please

First: Breitwieser’s team found that students who made the if-then commitments scored higher on the exam than those who didn’t. *

Second — an this is the big news: dosing mattered.

When students got several reminders in a row, they reached more of their goals.

When those same students got no reminders for 3 days in a row, they reached less of their goals.

In other words: if-then statements help students achieve — especially if they recommit to them frequently.

Teaching Implications

Teachers really struggle to help students find motivation in their school work.

This if-then strategy provides a remarkably simple way to help students achieve their own goals.

So, suggestion #1: teachers should take time to help students formulate these if-then statements.

Suggestion #2: one dose isn’t enough. We should have students return to these plans frequently.

The exact schedule will depend, I suspect, on your specific circumstances. It will be different for 1st graders, 5th graders, and 9th graders. It will be different depending on your school and your culture, and perhaps even your approach to teaching.

Based on other research pools, I suggest that the reminders be relatively frequent, but unpredictable. We don’t want our students going through this process by rote; they should engage with it as earnestly as possible each time.

If we get the dosing right, this simple strategy can help our students study more effectively — and therefore learn more.


* The difference was quite small: only 2 points. However, and this is a big however, the researchers worked with medical students preparing for a high-stakes exam. They are already highly successful and highly motivated students. I suspect we’ll see more dramatic effects for other groups of students.


Breitwieser, J., Neubauer, A. B., Schmiedek, F., & Brod, G. (2021). Self-regulation prompts promote the achievement of learning goals–but only briefly: Uncovering hidden dynamics in the effects of a psychological intervention. Learning and Instruction, 101560.