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LaJoi Royston
LaJoi Royston

students like you

It’s an age old debate. Does it matter if your students like you? Ask any teacher, anywhere, and you will most likely get answers split down the middle. In Aaron Podolner’s book, “How Would You Handle It: Hundreds of Answers for Classroom Teachers”, this very question was asked. One teacher responded with the following:

“Do you want your students to like you? The answer is yes, but with a qualifier. It matters why you want your students to like you… If they like you because you genuinely like them and show a real interest in their growth, then they will also respect you and work hard for you. Students do not learn because of teachers, they learn for teachers.”1

While it’s been viewed as mostly a personal choice, research seems to suggest that it is important that students like their teachers. The teacher in Mr. Podolner’s book may have been onto something with her statement that students don’t learn because of teachers, but rather for them. Improving students’ relationships with their teachers have not only academic implications, but social implications as well.

Why it Matters that Your Students Like You: The Research
The brain is a social organ and close relationships, such as a positive student-teacher relationship, encourage learning, in part, because they promote a positive learning environment2. From birth, we learn from our interactions with other people; this includes, family, friends and yes, teachers. Positive teacher-student relationships in the school setting have positive implications not only for students, but for teachers and the school climate as a whole.7

For this reason, students who are in classrooms with teachers that they like and have a close relationship with may learn more. For teachers, teaching students who like you makes their job easier. Teachers who experience close relationships with students report that their students have better attendance, cooperate more, are more engaged and are more self-directed3.

These little things can make a big difference.

In a recent study done in Germany4, kindergartners were shown a picture of different teachers before solving a problem. Students performed faster when they were shown a picture of a teacher they had a close relationship with before solving the problem versus a teacher they didn’t have a relationship with. While this study shows the direct effect of students thinking about teachers that they are close to prior to solving a problem, it also gets at a deeper message.

When students have positive relationships with their teachers, it affects how they view school and how engaged they are. Students who have these kind of relationships have more positive feelings about school, are more engaged, and in turn, are often higher achievers5. Think for a minute about any high achieving student you know. More than likely, this student enjoys school, or at least likes it. Now, think about that students’ relationship with his/her teachers. I’m sure at least one teacher that student has a positive relationship with will come to mind. While positive student teacher relationships can result in more engagement, and higher grades among students, negative relationships can have the opposite effect6.

Positive student-teacher relationships also have the power to positively improve school climate, something that can affect everyone involved in a school. School is, in a very general way, student and staff perception of their school. We can think of it this way: Students who have positive relationships with their teachers tend to be more engaged. Students who are more engaged typically are more likely to succeed. Being successful in school leads to positive educational experiences which in turn, creates a positive perception of school. Of course there are exceptions and limitations to this logic and not all students, teachers, and schools are the same – but the research suggests it’s worth paying attention to. Teachers play a huge role because they can very well shift the climate of their school by building stronger relationships with their students.

What Do Positive Student-Teacher Relationships Look Like? And How Can You Build Them?

Positive student-teacher relationships are characterized by low-conflict, feelings of closeness and support and independence2. Positive student teacher relationships benefit both the students and the teachers. Students feel safe, supported and cared for, while teachers feel competent and important. Here are a few more examples of what positive student teacher relationships look like:

“A high school student chooses to share the news that he recently got a part in a community play with his teacher because he knows that his teacher will show genuine interest in his success.

A fourth grade boy who is struggling in math shows comfort in admitting to his teacher that he needs help with multiplying and dividing fractions even if most of the students in the class have moved beyond this work.

A middle school girl experiences bullying from other students and approaches her social studies teacher to discuss it because she trusts that the teacher will listen and help without making her feel socially inept.”3

While the importance of student teacher relationships seems rather straight forward, building relationships with students isn’t always so easy. In most cases, our students who could benefit from these relationships the most are the hardest students to deal with. Below you’ll find a few tips I’ve found helpful in building relationships with my students.

Note: These tips are rooted in my personal experiences, not peer-reviewed research.

1. Sincerity
When building a relationship with your students it’s important to be sincere. Ask yourself why you want to have a better relationship with the student. If your reason is simply because you have him/her in your class and you don’t want it to be a miserable experience for both of you all year, be honest about that. In my experience, students have an amazing ability to detect when someone is not genuine. Keep in mind that even if you are approaching a student with sincerity, he/she may have his/her defenses up, especially if he/she has not had many positive relationships with adults. Keeping your intentions pure and being honest with the student about why you want to get to know him/her and conveying that you truly care are important first steps.

2. Consistency
This may be the most important factor. In any relationship, consistency is key. Showing your students that you are going to show up and be there for them every day by actually doing it says a lot. Conveying the message that you care over and over again may eventually reach even the most stubborn students.

3. High Expectations
A hard lesson I learned in my early years of teaching is the importance of having and keeping high expectations. If you truly care about your students, you hold them to a high standard because anything less would be a disservice to them. I used to think that taking it easy on my students by accepting excuses when they didn’t do their homework, or turning a blind eye when they occasionally misbehaved, was showing that I cared. I’ve learned that in holding high expectations of my students I’m conveying the message that I believe you are capable of doing something great and so, I’m not going to accept anything less than greatness from you.

Where to Go from Here
While there are great implications for having a positive relationship with your students, the fact of the matter is that it’s not possible to have a great relationship with every student. As teachers, what’s most important is that we hold every student to high expectations and put forth an honest effort to show support and genuine interest in as many of our students as we can. While we may not have amazing relationships with every student, the ones we really take the time to nurture can make all the difference in the world.

 

References & Further Reading

  1. Podolner, A. S., Matuch, J. B., Nemeth , M. M., Royston, L. S., …Shah, N. (2014). How We Handle It: Hundreds of Answers from Classroom Teachers. [Book]
  2. Cozolino, L. (2013). Nine Things Educators Need to Know About the Brain. [Book Excerpt]
  3. Riff-Kaufman, S. & Sandilos, L. (n.d.). Improving Students’ Relationships with Teachers to Provide Essential Supports for Learning. [Guide]
  4. Ahnert L,Milatz A, Kappler G, Schneiderwind J, and Fischer R. (2013). The impact of teacher-child relationships on child cognitive performance as explored by a priming paradigm. Dev Psychol. 49(3):554-67. (Paper)
  5. Van Maele, D., & Van Houtte, M. (2011). The quality of school life: Teacher-student trust relationships and the organizational school context.Social Indicators Research, 100, 85–100. (Paper)
  6. Pianta, R., Hamre, B., & Allen, J. (2012). Teacher-student relationships and engagement: Conceptualizing, measuring, and improving the capacity of classroom interactions. In S. L. Christenson, A. L. Reschly, & C. Wylie (Eds.),Handbook of research on student engagement (pp. 365–386). New York: Springer. (Book Chapter)
  7. Larson, A. (2014). How Student-Teacher Relationships Influence School Climate: A Literature Review. (Review)

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Gabriella Hirsch
Gabriella Hirsch

baby

The Increase in Preterm Survival Rates

Preterm birth is on the rise. According the World Health Organization (WHO)1, preterm birth is defined as any birth occurring prior to 37 weeks of pregnancy, or fewer than 259 days since the mother’s last menstrual cycle2. The youngest premature babies have been reported to survive around 22 weeks gestation with the youngest ever recorded born at just 21 weeks or 5.5 months3. Strikingly, complications arising from preterm birth are responsible for approximately 35% of all neonatal deaths that take place in a given year, roughly 3.1 million globally2.

There are numerous reasons why a pregnancy might end prematurely, including a wide variety of complex social and environmental factors, as well as genetic and epigenetic influences that affect conception and circumstances of birth. For example, contributors such as advanced maternal age are being increasingly linked to rises in numbers of preterm babies, and couples in western societies seeking assistance conceiving a child are much more likely to carry multiple pregnancies (such as twins and triplets), which are 10 times more likely to result in a preterm birth compared to mothers carrying a single child2. Other notable factors include complications related to obesity, such as high blood pressure and chronic conditions like diabetes, however many preterm births occur due to reasons are that unknown or unclear1.

Regardless of the reason behind these increased rates, the number of premature babies continues to rise AND survive at younger and younger gestational ages. In 1960, the survival rate for an infant weighing 3.3 lbs or less was just 28%. Today, surviving premature infants can be the length of a standard 5-inch pen and weigh as little as 1 lb. Advancements in medical and neonatal care technology are in part to thank for these startling survival rates, with many hospitals across the United States building sophisticated newborn facilities (called NICUs), equipped with anything that might be needed by surgeons and specialists to care for the most vulnerable of babies. In fact, it has been estimated that every decade, the age of viability for premature infants goes down by 1 week4.

The New Challenges That Come with Progress

The power and impact of these medical technologies is remarkable, however the increasingly high survival rates of younger and younger babies come at a price. For one, the hospital stay for a child born prior to 32 weeks ran up an average medical bill of over $280,811 in 2014. More importantly, both physicians and parents are forced to make unbearably difficult ethical decisions, because even if the child defies the odds in the first few hours, days or weeks of life, the chances of survival with a severe lifelong disability are significant5. For example, anywhere from 17% to 48% of babies born preterm will have some kind of neuromotor abnormality, whereby displaying signs of having neurological issues and/or problematic motor control; this includes conditions like cerebral palsy (CP) which can lead to a life of severe intellectual and physical disability5.

Studies across a number of scientific fields have attempted to determine whether cognitive and social capacities are in some way impaired in premature children born without complications. Many premature babies will still pass initial newborn screening tests, which typically include an assessment of sensory (such as hearing) and basic motor reflexes as well as blood tests. However, even in cases where the child appears typically developing during the first few months of life, preterm children, on average, have been found to struggle in school compared to their full-term counterparts, regardless of race, ethnicity and socio-economic background6.

One 2013 study tested over 1300 8-year-old children (ranging from full term to severely premature) on a number of cognitive tests with the objective of investigating high cognitive load in preterm children. The results showed that a “higher” workload (requiring the brain to simultaneously coordinate many pieces of information) brought out more pronounced cognitive deficits in children born preterm compared to participants born full term. In other words, the shorter the pregnancy, the more severe the deficit during high “cognitive load” tasks7.

These findings are corroborated by a 2015 Nature study which found preterm children to be more vulnerable in tasks requiring mathematical reasoning and visuospatial processing, which in turn was corroborated by deficits found in tasks investigating working memory and processing speed8. Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that these differences are reflected in observational studies exploring social outcomes of adults born prematurely. Two of the larger longitudinal investigations were conducted by the National Child Development Study (NCDS), beginning in 1958 and the British Cohort Study (BCS), beginning in 1970 which found that, by age 42, people who had been born prematurely were significantly more likely to experience lower overall wealth, with greater rates of unemployment and reports of financial hardship compared to people born full-term9. This of course is not true for all preterm babies, but the frequency with which additional challenges are faced raise new questions about how to help.

Addressing the Challenges in Education

The questions now are (i) whether anything can be done to prevent the consequences of preterm birth, particularly as it relates to motor and cognitive disabilities, and (ii) whether educational policy should take the unique challenges of preterm babies into account (and if so, what that would look like).

Currently, many programs in the form of post-discharge early intervention programs are being implemented, with the aim of preventing or lessening the effects of preterm birth via multi-modal sensory stimulation during the first few weeks of life. This involves a combination of tactile, visual, vestibular and auditory stimulation with the objectives of improving motor, physiological and eventually cognitive and social functioning later in life10. However, some have expressed skepticism on how effective these measures are in the long term. A recent meta-analysis of 21 studies (including over 3000 randomized children) investigated the effectiveness of early developmental intervention methods on infants born prematurely (prior to 37 weeks). The effect found was significant but relatively small. To complicate matters further, it is difficult to say whether it is the timing of the delivery of these programs or the content of the intervention themselves that do not stand the test of time.

Although severe cognitive disabilities due to premature birth are still relatively uncommon, 15 million babies a year are born preterm worldwide1 and even small increases in cognitive impairment due to rising prematurity may have considerable effects on society in general, and education in particular. Yet as the number of preterm children increase, so do the demands placed on the education system. Some have suggested the aggressive implementation of accessible educational interventions, particularly targeting student achievement in mathematics, which many research groups argue to be a common point of concern11,12. The idea is to design educational interventions in the form of computerized training programs for school-aged children, built to deliver information in a slower, more sequential manner so as not to overwhelm struggling children by presenting lots of forms of information simultaneously7.

The implementation of such educational tools to curb learning difficulties in struggling children is a decisive nod towards the ongoing controversial debate surrounding the practice of classroom “grouping” or “tracking” based on academic ability. Divvying up classrooms based on ability — regardless of biological age — has been a subject of contention as far back as the 1930s, whereby education researchers and specialists have since disputed over the efficacy of ability grouping with the objective of catering for the needs of each child. Generally speaking, the most common forms of grouping are (i) within-class ability grouping and (ii) between-class grouping. In the former, individual teachers place children into smaller sub-groups within the same class while the latter is done at a more systematic level involving formal allocation of children into separate classes or curricular tracks based on achievement14. One pioneering study found that overall, between-class grouping did very little for student achievement, if only partially benefitting higher-achieving students13. To make matters worse, it has been argued that students placed in lower tracks can suffer lower motivation towards school compared to their advanced-track peers14. That being said, some success has been observed for within-class grouping, particularly if implemented for one or two select core subjects (such as mathematics and reading), while remaining within their respective heterogeneous classes for other courses13.

Clearly, future research is needed to address these concerns; both in terms of the research on the neurodevelopment of premature children as well as the best way to educate kids that might be struggling in school. Unfortunately, the situation is exacerbated by the lack of suitable training and information given to teachers about what to potential learning issues to expect and how to deal with them. Despite the eagerness of teachers to understand the best way to address issues children face in school, more often than not schools do not or cannot provide the necessary training and guidance teachers need9.

As the survival rates for preterm babies continue to rise, we must remain cognizant of how our advancements in technology and medical care are impacting how we understand and think about education’s ability to address the needs of all children.

 

References & Further Reading

  1. World Health Organization (WHO). (2015). Fact sheet N°363 Preterm Birth. [Report]
  2. Blencowe, H., Cousens, S., Chou, D., Oestergaard, M., Say, L., Moller, A.-B., … Lawn, J. (2013). Born Too Soon: The global epidemiology of 15 million preterm births. Reproductive Health, 10(Suppl 1), S2. [Paper]
  3. Bird, C. (December 2014). World’s Smallest Preemies. [Report]
  4. Kluger, J. (2014, June 2). Saving Preemies. Time, 183 (21), 26-31. [Article]
  5. Abbott, A. (2015). Neuroscience: The brain, interrupted. Nature, 7537, 24–26. [Article]
  6. Baker, L. (October 2000). Children Born Prematurely Remain at Risk for Educational Underachievement at Age 10. University at Buffalo, SUNY News Center. [News Release]
  7. Jaekel, J., Baumann, N., Wolke, D. (2013). Effects of Gestational Age at Birth on Cognitive Performance: A Function of Cognitive Workload Demands. PLoS ONE 8(5): e65219. [Paper]
  8. Simms, V., Gilmore, C., Cragg, L., Marlow, N., Wolke, D., & Johnson, S. (2012). Mathematics difficulties in extremely preterm children: evidence of a specific deficit in basic mathematics processing. Pediatric research, 2, 236–244. [Paper]
  9. Wolke, D. (2015, September 3). Premature birth linked with lower wealth: how education could help bridge the gap. The Conversation. [Article]
  10. Feldman, R. (2002). Intervention programs for premature infants: considering potential mechanisms for change, Newsletter of the World Association for Infant Mental Health, 10 (3-4). [Newsletter]
  11. Basten, M., Jaekel, J., Johnson, S., Gilmore, C., & Wolke, D. (2015). Preterm Birth and Adult Wealth: Mathematics Skills Count. Psychological science, 10, 1608–1619. [Paper]
  12. Jaekel, J., & Wolke, D. (2014). Preterm birth and dyscalculia. The Journal of pediatrics, 6, 1327–1332. [Paper]
  13. Slavin, R. E. (1987). Ability Grouping and Student Achievement in Elementary Schools: A Best-Evidence Synthesis. Review of Educational Research, 57(3), 293–336. [Review]
  14. Collins, C.A., & Gan, Li. (2013). Does Sorting Students Improve Scores? An Analysis of Class Composition, NBER Working Paper Series (Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research)[Report]

 

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Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Homework Help

A previous article argued, paradoxically, that remembering can cause forgetting. Today’s entry reverses the paradox: forgetting, you see, benefits remembering.

You read that right: if you want to remember, it helps to forget.

Let me explain.

Today in class, I taught my students a new verb tense (or a new technique for proving that lines are parallel, or the Ideal Gas Law). I’ve got twenty practice problems for them to do: what’s the best schedule for those problems?

When I learned French (and Geometry, and Chemistry) in high school, the answer was clear: do all the practicing right now. Whatever I studied in class today, I should practice tonight. In other words, I did those 20 practice problems then night after I learned the new material.

There is, of course, another conceptual option: I could ask my students to spread that practice out over time. They could do five problems tonight, and five tomorrow night, and so on.

Either plan seems plausible: which was is better? Happily, teachers don’t have to guess—we can look at research.

Here’s an example2. Hal Pashler’s research team had students come to his lab to learn an unusual math procedure, and practice it by doing 10 problems. A week later, half of those students returned to take a quiz on this procedure; the other half of the students took the same quiz…a MONTH later.

Then, Pasher had another group of students learn the same unusual math procedure—which they practiced by doing 5 problems (not ten, five). They all returned a week later, and did five more practice problems. A week later, half of those students returned to take the quiz; the other half of the students, again, took that quiz a month later.

So, both groups studied the same procedure, and did ten practice problems. The only difference: the schedule on which they did that practicing. Half of them did all the practice at once; the others spread their practice out.

Which group did better?

AW Graph2

To put that picture into fewer than a thousand words: by spreading their study out, the second group remembered twice as much as the first group did.

Why did this technique work? Simply put, the second group had time to forget. The first group spent all their time learning. The second group learned, and then forgot, and then learned again. The forgetting benefitted ultimate remembering.

Two serious problems, however, might interfere with our ability to put this research result to practice.

Problem number 1: the students.

Pasher’s research result feels intuitive to most teachers—we’ve always known its’s better to spread practice out over time—but it feels profoundly counter-intuitive to students. They feel deeply in their gut that they should practice, practice, practice RIGHT NOW.

To help students see the benefits of spacing their practice, I regularly show them Pasher’s study. Students LOVE the idea that they can double the amount they remember (61%, instead of 31%) without doing any more practice problems.

Problem number 2: the syllabus.

Although “The Spacing Effect” sounds like a good idea when I think about any one topic, it leads to a potential problem with my syllabus. In the old days, I’d teach one topic on Monday, and then have my students practice that topic Monday night. On Tuesday we’d do the next topic, and they’d practice it on Tuesday night. In short, my syllabus looked like this:

 
Monday
Tuesday
Wednesday
Thursday
Friday
In Class
Topic A
Topic B
Topic C
Topic D
And So On
Homework
20 A Problems
20 B Problems
20 C Problems
20 D Problems
And So Forth

However, if spread my practice out—perhaps by doing 5 problems per topic each night—my new syllabus will look like this:

Monday
Tuesday
Wednesday
Thursday
Friday
In Class
Topic A
Topic B
Topic C
Topic D
You
Homework
5 A Problems
5 A Problems
5 B Problems
5 A Problems
5 B Problems
5 C Problems
5 A Problems
5 B Problems
5 C Problems
5 D Problems
Get
The
Idea

The result: Thursday’s homework is a mess. It seems entirely possible that Spacing benefits learning when you do it with one topic in the psychology lab, but that—when teachers try it in the classroom—the muddled syllabus might undermine all the benefits that Spacing should provide. In brief: Spacing Good, Muddling Bad.

Researcher Doug Rohrer has investigated this question, and here’s what he found3.

He had one group of students come to his lab to learn four unusual math procedures. These students read one tutorial, and did practice problems for that procedure; they then read the next tutorial, and did those practice problems, and so forth.

Topic A
Topic B
Topic C
Topic D
A Practice Problems
B Practice Problems
C Practice Problems
D Practice Problems

Another group read all four tutorials, and then did the same practice problems. However, their practice problems were all jumbled together:

Topic A
Topic B
Topic C
Topic D
B
D
A
C
D
B
C
A
C
B
A
D
A
C
D
B

You can see that the first group looks like my first syllabus: nicely organized; the second group looks like Thursday night on my second syllabus: a jumbled muddle. (Rohrer, more politely, calls this second structure “interleaved.”)

When it came to the practice problems, as I feared, the students in the jumbled group didn’t do very well: they got 60% of the problems right, compared to 88% in the traditionally organized group.

However, what happened when Rohrer’s groups came back two weeks later to take a test? The jumbled group, once again, remembered about 60%. The traditionally organized group remembered 20%.

Yes, 20%. Their score fell 66% in two weeks.

AW graph1

Why did that happen?

Two ideas seem most plausible.

First: Rohrer’s first group learned the four math procedures, but they didn’t practice deciding when to use each one. Because their practice problems always aligned with the technique they had just practiced, they never had to figure out when to use which one. So, two weeks later, they struggled to know which equation to use.

Second: Rohrer’s group had more opportunities to forget. Because their practice problems required them to switch from technique to technique, they never could get into a groove. Each problem, they had time to forget the techniques they weren’t practicing, and so had more opportunities to remember those techniques anew.

These two research pools lead to these conclusions: spacing benefits learning (because it allows forgetting). And, spacing requires a jumbled/interleaved syllabus—which also benefits learning (because, again, it allows forgetting).

A final note about research. The “Spacing Effect” is very well documented, and at this point is not controversial. The benefits of interleaving, however, have been shown by fewer studies; and some of the studies with high-school aged students have been equivocal1. But this much is clear; the combination of spacing & interleaving leads to more learning than the traditional syllabus.

Because, as you now remember, forgetting can help you learn.

References & Further Reading

  1. Dunlosky, J., Rawson, K. A., Marsh, E. J., Nathan, M. J., & Willingham, D. T. (2013). Improving students’ learning with effective learning techniques promising directions from cognitive and educational psychology. Psychological Science in the Public Interest14(1), 4-58. [Paper]
  2. Pashler, H., Rohrer, D., Cepeda, N. J., & Carpenter, S. K. (2007). Enhancing learning and retarding forgetting: Choices and consequences. Psychonomic bulletin & review14(2), 187-193. [Paper]
  3. Rohrer, D., & Pashler, H. (2010). Recent research on human learning challenges conventional instructional strategies.Educational Researcher39(5), 406-412. [Paper]
  • Brown, P., Roediger, H. L., & McDaniel, M.A. (2014) Make it stick: The science of successful learning. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. [Book]
  • Carey, B. (2014). How we learn: The surprising truth about when, where, and why it happens. New York: Random House. [Book]

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Myra Laldin
Myra Laldin

bilingualism benefits

Our world is becoming increasingly globalized. This interconnectedness grants us access to languages of countries we have never been to. Through the migration of people, languages have also migrated to places they never existed even ten years ago, and many countries are now host to countless languages beyond their native tongue.

Should this change the languages that we learn to speak?

There are many obvious advantages to knowing multiple languages. When traveling, for example, you can ask where the bathroom is or how much something costs. When at the airport, you may be able to translate for a fellow passenger struggling to communicate. You can dig more deeply into a favorite story with foreign roots by enjoying it in its original language. These may be little things, but they can make life a little easier and a lot more exciting. But the perks are more profound than that.

The Cultural Value of Speaking the Language

Language is like a window into another culture’s values, history, and perspective. As such, being able to speak another language helps you connect with that culture more deeply. The range of words can give you insight into what is prioritized in a society and the nuanced synonyms can give you a sense of what concepts call for the most attention. Fluency can even provide hints about a culture’s history through the language’s evolution over time.

I lived in Thailand for two years before I made a conscious effort to learn some Thai. Learning and understanding even the basic greeting taught me so much. “Have you eaten yet”, is one of the first few things you ask someone when greeting one another. Much of Thai culture is centered around food, and they are world famous for their hospitality, so it makes sense that this would be mirrored in their language. As I continued to learn more Thai, I also learned much more about the culture that crafted the tongue.

The Complicated History of Bilingualism

Being bilingual is seen as a valuable skill and an advantage today. This, however, has not always been the case. There was a time when speaking another language in the U.S. was looked down upon (one may argue, in some places it still is). Not too long ago, when families immigrated to the U.S., in an attempt to assimilate to society, parents would sometimes not allow their children to speak their mother-tongue – even at home. My friend, whose family moved from Egypt, tells me how his parents prohibited him and his siblings from speaking in Egyptian to one another, and even remembers being smacked on occasion when he repeatedly did so.

There was a time when English language learning was not thought to be the responsibility of schools. Educators and policy makers believed that the students from language minorities should be able to do the linguistic adjustment on their own. When these children were not able to achieve academically, the parents and home environments were marked as the predominant issue. This attitude sheds light on why my friend experienced such strong reactions from his parents when he would speak Egyptian. They were afraid.

The Myth of Bilingual Deficits

Historically, there has also been a predominant fear that exposing children to more than one language at an early age will cause severe confusion and delay in language skills. Behavioral studies at the time suggested that young children’s brains were not developed enough to handle so much information, so two languages would be detrimental to brain development1.

If this were true, it’s unlikely I would be writing this essay today. Growing up, my family regularly spoke four languages. My mother spoke in Urdu to us, my father spoke in English, our nanny spoke Hindko – a language of northern Pakistan, and my parents – in an attempt to not disclose private issues, would speak to one another in Punjabi (little did they know, we picked it up quite early on). To my knowledge, all of my family members are (at least objectively) fully functioning, fully literate adults.

We now know from research that learning one or two languages results in no major differences in developmental trajectories2. Children learning two languages do sometimes struggle with “code switching”; but that just means that they may mix grammar or words from the different languages. This is a normal part of language learning and not indicative of language learning difficulties3. In early years, children’s vocabulary for each language on its own may be smaller compared to monolingual children, but when both languages are taken into account the total vocabulary is on par with monolingual children… and continues to grow4.

So knowing more than one language is awesome for traveling, meeting people from different countries, even landing some cool jobs. And being bilingual, to our knowledge, does not disrupt a child’s normal functioning. But what does bilingualism look like at the neural level? Do our brains looks different? Do we reap some benefits of knowing more than one language? Turns out, the answer seems to be yes.

The Neural Benefits of Bilingualism

There is evidence that bilingualism may improve executive functioning. Executive function is thought to be primarily housed in the front most part of the brain, in what we call the pre-frontal cortex (though research suggests it’s also part of much more complicated brain-wide networks). Executive function is a catch-all term for a lot of our cognitive processes, including working memory, reasoning, task flexibility, and problem solving as well as planning and execution – a lot of important things!

With such a wide range of executive functions, most study carve off a specific function that they’re interested in learning more about. Some studies, for example, have focused on how we process conflicting information. These researchers have found that those who were bilingual outperformed their monolingual counterparts on tasks that required conflicting information. These studies were done with the Stroop task and the “Simon Tests”, which judge how fast you respond to conflicting or confusing stimuli5.

The Stroop task consists of showing the word BLUE, for example, on a screen, but it’s written in yellow font. You must name the color of the font. and ignore the written word.
Sounds easy, but it’s difficult to do it with speed and accuracy when the color and word do not match. Try the test here.

This requires some inhibitory control as you are receiving competing perceptual information. Bilinguals were found to be better than monolinguals at tasks that used inhibitory control, and also at switching between two tasks in terms of speed and accuracy.

Apart from being better at sorting out conflicting information, other studies have found that bilinguals are also better able to filter out noise and distractions. On average, they seem to have the ability to exhibit greater focus regardless of what is going on around them. At a basic level, bilinguals seem have a heightened ability to monitor their environment.

Scientists theorize that the switching between languages quite often requires a “hyperawareness,”; it’s possible that the bilingual brain is primed to quickly code switch, or pick up what language is being spoken. In this study bilinguals both performed better and had less activity in the parts of the brain associated with monitoring. This may indicate that they are able to toggle between the two more efficiently and with less cognitive demand5.

So far we’ve discussed how being bilingual may improve executive function by having greater inhibitory control, being better able to switch between tasks, being able to filter out distractions and having a heightened ability to monitor their environment.

What else can it do? Turns out gives us some long-term aging benefits too.

How Bilingualism May Preserve the Brain

A growing body of evidence seems to indicate that language multiplicity can delay the onset of dementia by up to 5 years! In multiple studies Alzheimer patients who were bilingual reported the onset of symptoms at 77.7, whereas most monolinguals reported them at 72.6. Of course, it’s important to acknowledge that many of these studies are correlational. However, what’s particularly interesting is that in follow up studies it was found that the brains of the bilingual people actually had twice as much physical atrophy in regions associated with Alzheimers. Interestingly, despite the bilinguals’ higher amount of atrophy, they performed on par with monolingual counterparts who had less diseased brains6. This suggests that the bilingual brain may be excellent at consolidating resources, requiring less healthy tissue to achieve the same results.

Although scientists don’t fully understand why this is the case, some assume that it has something to do with how language shapes the brain. Some theorize that speaking two languages increases blood and oxygen flow to the brain, keeping nerve connections more “fit” and active in a sense5.

In studies at Harvard they found that bilinguals seem to have more white matter in their frontal lobes (remember this is where our executive function area is) and temporal lobes (which is an area important to language)7. White matter is essentially the long fibers (axons) that connect cells in the brain, kind of like a communication pipeline. More white matter suggests more connections. These studies support previous studies that show that bilingualism may shape the brain function and structure in a unique way.

The Future of Bilingualism

After reading this you may think, well hey, I should really take up Spanish or maybe I shouldn’t have slacked off so much in class.

Unfortunately, that doesn’t seem to be how this works.

Professor Gigi Luk, from Harvard University, focuses on research on bilingualism. Her findings show that many of the benefits described are connected to a lifelong language experience that begins in childhood and continues through adulthood7. During childhood, the brain is in great flux, and it may be that language has a particular influence on brain networks during that stage, which can result in major benefits later in life. While it doesn’t seem like brushing up on that Spanish or French will help in this regard, it couldn’t hurt.

What we can take away, however, is just how much of a gift it may be to teach multiple languages to our students. While it may take a bit longer for them to reach full mastery of either language, once they do, and if they continue to practice both throughout their life, the richness of their global experience and the socio-cultural doors that will open to them are countless. With research pointing to its cognitive benefits, and our world becoming increasingly culturally interconnected, it seems clear that the goals of education align with the potential of bilingualism.

Children can’t typically make this choice for themselves, so it’s up to us to work towards a system that gives them the best of what education can offer.

 

References & Further Reading

  1. Abutalebi, J., & Weekes, B. S. (2014). The Cognitive Neurology of Bilingualism in the Age of Globalization. Behavioural Neurology, 536727. [Paper]
  2. Werker J. Perceptual Foundations of Bilingual Acquisition in Infancy. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences: The Year in Cognitive Neuroscience. 1251, 50-61. [Paper]
  3. Genesee, F. (2009). Early childhood bilingualism: Perils and possibilities. Journal of Applied Research on Learning, 2, (2). [Paper]
  4. Marchman, V., Fernald, A., & Hurtado, N. (2010). How vocabulary size in two languages relates to efficiency in spoken word recognition by young Spanish-English  J. Child Language37, 817-840. [Paper]
  5. Bialystok E, Craik FIM, Klein R. (2004). Bilingualism, aging, and cognitive control: Evidence from the Simon Task. Psychology and Aging, (2), 290-303. [Paper]
  6. Bialystok E, Craik F. I., Freedman M. (2007). Bilingualism as a protection against the on set of symptoms of dementia. Neuropsychologia, 45(2), 459-464. [Paper]
  7. Luk G., Bialystok E., Craik F.,I.,M., Grady C., L. (2011). Lifelong bilingualism maintains white matter integrity in older adults. Journal of Neuroscience, 31(46), 16808–16813. [Paper]
  • Mechelli A., Crinion J. T., Noppeney U.,Neurolinguistics: structural plasticity in the bilingual brain. Nature, [Paper]

 

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Rina Deshpande
Rina Deshpande

Teacher Mindfulness

To teach math through a problem like the one below, an effective math teacher would first try the problem herself.

“It’s June 1st, and you’ve begun receiving an allowance of $8 dollars on the first of each month. You’ve had your eye on a new jacket that costs $27, not including the additional 8% sales tax. If you want to have at least $2 per month for incidental spending, what percent of your $8 monthly allowance would you choose to save in order to buy the jacket before the start of the new year? Explain your thinking.”*

At minimum, one attempt may lead her to a solution. To more holistically prepare, she would ideally practice several strategies, conceptualizing the problem in many different ways to anticipate and stretch various students’ thinking.

An effective teacher of math explores math herself. It therefore makes sense that in order to effectively teach children about the benefits of mindfulness -psychological, physiological and social1 – a teacher would explore and practice mindfulness herself.

How can mindfulness practice help kids?

Mindfulness practice is being adapted for school implementation to support healthy emotional, mental, and physical development. Children face rigorous testing and extracurricular demands and may be susceptible to high levels of stress beginning at the elementary level. Additionally, in underserved urban environments in the U.S., children experience higher levels of stress and exhibit fewer prosocial behaviors than wealthier counterparts, which has been linked with lower academic performance.2

Susan Andersen and Martin Teicher, researchers of developmental biopsychiatry at Harvard Medical School, suggest that chronic stress exposure at young ages may have effects on neurobiological development. Structures in the brain involved in emotion-regulation and decision-making may be compromised by stress during child development.

In a 2009 review, Andersen and Teicher studied the system between the nucleus accumbens – a basal forebrain structure that interacts with the hippocampus and is involved in memory and emotion – and the prefrontal cortex – known to be involved in decision making and social behaviors. Under times of stress in childhood, the review suggests, this system can be compromised. It is possible that this may be involved in the development of maladaptive behaviors that may affect school performance, including substance abuse.3

Mindfulness – paying attention to the present moment – has begun to show promise as a school-based approach to support children’s emotional and mental well-being. Rather than mental and social health as an “aside” from academics – mindful self-management in classrooms is now being linked with higher math scores even after just a few weeks.4

The potential impact of mindful practice on student stress management, neurological development, and academic performance is gaining credibility. So if we want to encourage children to utilize mindfulness practice, why would it matter if teachers practice?

Why should teachers practice mindfulness?

If we’re preaching to children about the importance of mindful self-regulation to successfully navigate life but we’re doing it with pained, distracted looks and yesterday’s graded papers still stuck to our tired faces, chances are that mindful practice might not land well with our kids.

I paint this as a comical picture, but how physically and emotionally demanding teaching can be is no laughing matter. Teachers work daily to support students’ socio-emotional progress, manage individual and whole-class behaviors, internalize the latest curricular expectations, and tailor instruction to all children’s unique learning needs. Under heavy demands, teacher practice of stress and emotion regulation are crucial for two reasons: (1) enhanced teacher wellbeing may implicitly enhance the classroom environment, and (2) teachers practicing strategies themselves would likely be much more effective, authentic models of the practice when leading students through them.

In a recent review of teacher “extra-role time,” which accounts for the hours teachers spend outside of school days grading and planning or leading student activities on evenings and weekends, U.S. schoolteachers were found to spend an average of 1,913 hours on teaching-related work per week in a 36-week academic year. That’s an average of about 53 hours of work per week. To couch this in context, an average full-time employee works an average of 40 hours per week spread out over 48 weeks.5 Such concentrated, energy-demanding work runs the risk of leading to teacher burnout.

In a 2007 policy report by the National Commission on Teaching and America’s Future, the teacher attrition rate in the U.S. had doubled since the 1990s at nearly 17% nationally and 20% in urban schools. In analyzing possible reasons outside of retirement, the report suggests that stress may be a significant factor: “The problem is not finding enough teachers to do the job – the problem is keeping them in our schools.”6

How can we help teachers feel emotionally balanced and less stressed in their work? In a 2011 study, mindfulness meditation was linked with increases in “positive reappraisal,” an emotion regulation strategy used to re-contextualize a stressful event as positive or harmless.7 Positive reappraisal has historically been shown to mediate reductions in stress. In a recent brain imaging study, mindfulness practice in healthy adults was positively associated with activity in the left and right dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (PFC), the brain regions supporting, among other things, emotion regulation.8,9 Mindfulness therefore may be an effective tool for adult emotion regulation and reduction of stress, and may allow teachers to better manage day-to-day stressful experiences when workload shows no sign of decreasing.

A 2015 pilot study assessed effectiveness of a mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR) adapted for educators specifically.10 As its name would suggest, the mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR) program, developed by Jon Kabat-Zinn, M.D., was designed to help lower levels of stress through an 8-week mindfulness intervention adapted from historically Buddhist practice for clinical settings. Its benefits have been documented over the last few decades as it has been adapted for adolescents, the elderly, patients with cancer, those struggling with PTSD, and more.

In the MBSR pilot for educators, 18 healthy high school teachers participated in 8 weeks of mindfulness practice and 18 teachers were assigned to a waitlist control group. Mindfulness participants engaged in two-hour weekly sessions guiding them on body awareness, breathing awareness, yoga, mindful eating, mindful walking, and additional meditation techniques with opportunities for reflection. They also were asked to practice with a guided meditation CD for 25-30 minutes daily.

Teachers in the intervention group reported significant improvement in multiple measures of self-compassion including diminished over-identification, which is similar to dwelling on negative thoughts. They also reported significant improvement in ability to remain present and calm and better sleep quality when compared to the control group.

These initial findings may invite more investigation of mindfulness practice for educators, though the study is not without limits. While there is much psychological and neurobiological evidence in academic literature to support the effects of mindfulness on emotion regulation in adults, the present study is one of the first to focus on educator mindfulness specifically, and therefore relied solely on self-report as a measure of effectiveness.

Additionally, a wider and larger sample than 36 teachers will help reduce environmental influence on participant progress. In the pilot, the mindfulness group was comprised of teachers from one school and the control group consisted of teachers at a different school. School culture may have therefore contributed to differences when comparing groups in mindfulness and self-compassion. A larger sample size of teachers across multiple schools, with teachers participating in either waitlist or control at each of those schools, could better isolate effectiveness of MBSR for educators.

Nevertheless, collectively, the research points to the benefits of teachers engaging with the mindfulness practices that they promote to their students.

Taking the Jump

A mindfulness practice may appear to be another requirement piled onto an already full teaching plate, but even a few minutes of daily practice might soften the stress of teaching demands. Here are a few simple ways to begin:

• Dr. Kristin Neff specializes in self-compassion research. Check out www.self-compassion.org for free guided meditations and more.

• For a simple, calming breath technique, consider trying this 3 Minute Full Complete Breath Audio (recorded for you by yours truly!).

A teacher practices math to support her students in math. A teacher practices emotion regulation and mental wellbeing to support students in emotion regulation and mental wellbeing.

Our children and teachers face what seems like a growing number of stressors in life that may not be easily removed. With openness to a personal mindfulness practice, teachers would not only have a chance to feel better in stressful circumstances as helping professionals, they may better guide children in mindful practice from a more grounded, earnest place. As role models to our students, this has the potential to encourage healthy habits and dramatically improve their quality of life.

*(And for the record, I’d save 62.5% of my monthly allowance, or $5 a month. That way, I could have the minimum $2 for spending flow and keep another $1 for separate savings each month, still having enough to buy that jacket by November 1st and impress at holiday parties. But that’s my practice. What’s yours? ☺).

 

References & Further Reading 

  1. Rempel, Kim. (2012). Mindfulness for Children and Youth: A Review of the Literature with an Argument for School-Based Implementation.Canadian Journal of Counselling and Psychotherapy, 46(3), 201-220. [Article]
  2. Mendelson, T., Greenberg, M., Dariotis, T., Gould, J., Rhoades, K., & Leaf, L. (2010). Feasibility and Preliminary Outcomes of a School-Based Mindfulness Intervention for Urban Youth.Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 38(7), 985-994. [Article]
  3. Andersen, S., & Teicher, M. (2009). Desperately driven and no brakes: Developmental stress exposure and subsequent risk for substance abuse. Neuroscience And Biobehavioral Reviews,33(4), 516-524. [Article]
  4. Schonert-Reichl, K. A., Oberle, E., Lawlor, M.S., Abbott, D., Thomson, K., Oberlander, T.F., & Diamond, A. (2015). Enhancing cognitive and social-emotional development through a simple-to-administer mindfulness-based school program for elementary school children: A randomized controlled trial. Developmental Psychology, 51(1), 52-66. doi: 10.1037/a0038454 [Article]
  5. Brown, L., & Roloff, M. (2011). Extra-Role Time, Burnout, and Commitment. Business Communication Quarterly,74(4), 450-474. [Article]
  6. NCTAF Policy Brief. (2007). [Brief]
  7. Garland, E., Gaylord, L., & Fredrickson, S. (2011). Positive Reappraisal Mediates the Stress-Reductive Effects of Mindfulness: An Upward Spiral Process.Mindfulness, 2(1), 59-67. [Article]
  8. Modinos, G., Ormel, J., & Aleman, A. (2010). Individual differences in dispositional mindfulness and brain activity involved in reappraisal of emotion. Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience, 5, 369–377. [Article]
  9. Hölzel, B., Lazar, S., Gard, T., Schuman-Olivier, Z., Vago, D., & Ott, U. (2011). How Does Mindfulness Meditation Work? Proposing Mechanisms of Action From a Conceptual and Neural Perspective.Perspectives on Psychological Science, 6(6), 537-559. [Article]
  10. Frank, J., Reibel, L., Broderick, D., Cantrell, P., & Metz, T. (2015). The Effectiveness of Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction on Educator Stress and Well-Being: Results from a Pilot Study.Mindfulness,6(2), 208-216. [Article]

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Rebecca Gotlieb
Rebecca Gotlieb

How might we encourage more curiosity among young people and particularly among those with lower levels of curiosity? How might we make their minds intellectually hungry? Susan Engel, a senior lecturer in psychology and the director of the program in teaching at Williams College, tackles these questions in her new book, The Hungry Mind: The Origins of Curiosity in Childhood. She reports that curiosity, the urge to understand that which is uncertain or unexpected and the mother of intellectual achievement and learning, wanes over childhood and can be squelched in school even when teachers report a commitment to fostering curiosity. She outlines curiosity’s development across childhood and shares techniques that parents, teachers, and students can use to foster curiosity. Her personal stories of life as a curious person make this informative book also engaging and relatable to a wide audience.

Engel lauds curiosity because kids who are habitually curious learn more and when a child is momentarily curious, her learning is optimized at that time. She notes, however, that curiosity is stifled because schools often treat it as a distraction from “real learning.” Early in her career Engel realized that teachers care about cultivating curiosity even though they often fall short of doing so. An accurate measure of curiosity might help teachers foster curiosity and give them the incentive to do so amidst competing demands. However, creating a measure of curiosity has proved elusive because curiosity can vary so greatly within and between individuals as well as between cultures.

Curiosities are often brief and transitory, but the perseverance to find answers to questions that pique curiosity is important. The likelihood and appropriateness of engaging with transitory versus prolonged curiosities changes as people get older. To babies so much in their world is novel, and they have a strong preference for attending to this novelty. Toddlers point and ask numerous questions to understand physical, biological and cultural processes in the world around them. Older children’s interests tend to be more specific, refined and long-lasting.

The extent to which a child is curious about her world is strongly predicted by the curiosity her parents, and later on her teachers and other caring adults, exhibit. Children are likely to seek explanations for unexpected events when they see adults do the same and when they trust that adults will provide opportunities to explore. Novelty-seeking behavior in toddlers and question-asking in older children is tempered by fear; babies who are securely attached to a parent and children in a warm classroom environment (i.e. kids who are not fearful) are likely to explore and inquire.

Engel discusses the importance of difficulty, periods of uncertainty, gossip, reading and down-time for satisfying curiosity and promoting learning. When students struggle to learn a new concept initially, they ultimately learn it more robustly. As such, creating uncertainties by introducing interesting intricacies of a problem can lead to better retention of information and a positive cycle of more learning. Teachers can help students appreciate that temporarily not knowing something can feel exciting, and satisfying a curiosity can be pleasurable.

Peer interactions help satisfy curiosities. Gossip about peers is perhaps our most intense, inherent, and universal curiosity. Children are easily and deeply enchanted by storytelling. Stories about peers’ circumstances and personal attributes can serve as a social glue and a way of learning cultural values. Although curiosity about people around us is robust, there are age, gender, and cultural differences in type and amount of gossiping. There are also cultural differences in language use, question asking, and story telling that can impact curiosity. For example, cultures with more formal education are also the cultures that encourage more question asking.

Engel argues that reading is an invaluable way to satisfy one’s curiosities, and many answers to the questions that interest children can be found in books or on the internet. Furthermore, students’ alone-time to explore their individual curiosities independently and to reflect outside of school helps them become more academically successful and intellectually engaged as life-long learners. Opportunities for down-time are declining. Most hours of a student’s day are scheduled, and teachers struggle to allow children to explore very much at school because exploration can lead to time consuming false starts. Engel provides us a much needed window into the fact that nurturing curiosity involves false starts. Pursuing curiosities requires time, stimulating materials to explore, and people who model curiosity. As we shift to provide students with these ingredients we may be able to keep more minds hungry into adulthood and provide them with tools to feed that hunger.

 

Engel, S. (2015). The Hungry Mind: The Origins of Curiosity in Childhood. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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Ashle Bailey-Gilreath
Ashle Bailey-Gilreath

idea

Want to help kids learn? Ask them to explain what they are learning in their own words!

New research1 has found that when children are asked to come up with explanations (even just to themselves) while learning, they are able to connect new ideas with prior cause-and-effect knowledge better than those who are not encouraged to explore and explain. By forming their own generalizations, children can more efficiently understand new information.

Children begin to develop cause-and-effect thinking skills as early as eight months of age2. Cause-and-effect thinking, or causality, allows us to make inferences and reason about things that happen around us. Causality helps us understand things as simple as “If I don’t water the plants they’ll die” to things more complicated such as other people’s intentions and behaviors. When children understand cause and effect, they also begin to understand the operation of mechanisms, which allows them to understand causal relationships. When a child asks “why” for the first time, this question more than likely coincides with their first attempt to explain something. Asking “why” helps children fill in the blanks (so to speak), allowing them to fully understand both the cause and effects and mechanisms of the new situation or information they’ve been presented with3.

Educational research has found that self-explaining (explaining to oneself or to another person) can be more effective for learning than other activities – such as repeatedly reading over materials or thinking aloud4,5. While most of the research on self-explanation has focused primarily on older children and adults, there are some studies on younger children that have shown the positive effects it can have. For example, research with elementary school children has shown that in comparison to other learning activities, such as solving practice problems, self-explanation was shown to enhance children’s conceptual and procedural knowledge about a given task or concept6.

Why is it important to focus on younger children?

Research has shown that self-explanation is really only beneficial when we are presented with new concepts that we aren’t well informed of7. Because young children are just beginning to experience the world, they stand to benefit most from self-explanation.

In order to examine the benefits of explanation-based learning further, Christine Legare and Tania Lombrozo implemented two studies. In each study, they presented preschoolers (age 3 to 6) with a mechanical toy made up of colorful, interlocking gears that had a propeller on one end and a crank on the other. After a researcher showed the children how the toy worked, each child was given an opportunity to take the machine apart and to put it back together again. Children were then asked to either observe or explain the mechanisms of the toy (in study one) or were asked to describe or explain the machine to the researcher (in study two).

Mechanical Toy used in Legare and Lombrozo’s (2014) study
Mechanical Toy used in Legare and Lombrozo’s (2014) study

Both studies found that the children (regardless of age) who were asked to explain the toy outperformed the other children in understanding the cause and effect operations of the toy. For example, if a part was unknowingly removed from the toy by the researcher, the children in the explain condition were able to figure out and understand why this was happening more so than children in the other groups.

The children who were asked to explain were also better at rebuilding the toy and were able to transfer this new knowledge to other learning tasks presented to them. However, they found that explaining does not improve memory for details: children who were asked to explain were often mistaken when asked to recall the toy’s size, shapes, and colors.

Why did the children who were asked to explain excel in understanding the toy’s functionality, but fail when it came to remembering its details? Legare suggest that the process of explaining causes the child to focus more on understanding the cause-and-effect mechanisms rather than the physical details. Self-explanation may help kids learn by forcing their minds to grapple with the underlying concepts, causing them to discover connections that they may have otherwise overlooked.

Previous research by Legare and colleagues8, 9 has found that preschoolers are especially prone to attempt self-explanation when they encounter new information that contradicts their worldview. When children are presented with inconsistent outcomes, it prompts them to think about all possibilities (even unseen and hidden mechanisms). The explanations they come up with then inspire them to want to actively test their hypotheses. These results were observed in children as young as two years old10.

While much is still unknown about the role of explanation in early childhood learning, it’s clear that explaining may be valuable because it makes us aware of what we don’t yet understand. These studies have also shown that self-explanation engages young learners in ways that other cognitive process do not (such as observing and describing).

“Understanding the ways in which explanation does — and does not — improve learning speaks not only to questions about the development of cause-and-effect knowledge, but also to questions about how to most effectively harness explanation for use in educational interventions,” Legare says.

When teachers and parents ask children to explain “why” and “how” something works, they are giving the child the opportunity to think like scientists.

This process is effective both in the classroom and at home. By allowing children to gather evidence through exploration and understand it through explanation, it provides them with insights into the development of scientific reasoning – allowing them to harness their potential for scientific reasoning and improve their critical thinking skills8. Additionally, because children may explore more when asked for explanations regularly, informal learning environments like children’s museums are a great place for children to hone in on these abilities.

So the next time your child or student asks you to explain “why” or “how” when learning something new – ask them! You’ll be helping them more than you (or they) realize.

 

References 

  1. Legare C.H. and Lombrozo T. (2014). Selective effects of explanation on learning during early childhood. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 126: 198-212. [Article]
  2. Sobel, D. M., & Kirkham, N. Z. (2006). Blickets and babies: The development of causal reasoning in toddlers and infants. Developmental Psychology, 42, 1103-1115. [Article]
  3. Keil, F. C. (2012). Running on empty? How folk science gets by with less. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 21, 329-334. [Article]
  4. Fonseca, B. & Chi, M. T. (2011). The self-explanation effect: A constructive learning activity. In Mayer, R. & Alexander, P. (Eds.), The Handbook of Research on Learning and Instruction (pp. 296-321). New York, NY: Routledge Press. [Book]
  5. Lombrozo, T. (2012). Explanation and abductive inference. J. Holyoak and R. G. Morrison (Eds.), Oxford Handbook of Thinking and Reasoning (pp. 260-276). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. [Article]
  6. McEldoon, K., Durkin, K., & Rittle-Johnson, B. (2012). Is self-explanation worth the time? A comparison to additional practice. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 83, 615- 632 [Article]
  7. Rittle-Johnson, B., Saylor, M., and Swygert, K.E. (2008). Learning from explaining: does it matter if mom is listening? Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 100(3): 215-24. [Article]
  8. Legare CH, Gelman SA, and Wellman HM. (2010). Inconsistency with prior knowledge triggers children’s causal explanatory reasoning. Child Development, 81(3): 929-44. [Article]
  9. Legare C. 2012. Exploring explanation: explaining inconsistent evidence informs exploratory, hypothesis-testing behavior in young children. Child Development, 83(1): 173-85. [Article]
  10. Legare, C. H. (2014), The Contributions of Explanation and Exploration to Children’s Scientific Reasoning. Child Development Perspectives, 8: 101–106. [Article]

 

Further Reading

  • Grotzer, T. (2003). Learning to Understand the Forms of Causality Implicit in Scientifically Accepted Explanations. Studies in Science Education, 39(1), 1-74 [Article]
  • Grotzer, T. (2012). Learning Causality in a Complex World: Understandings of Consequence. [Book]