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Too Good to Be True? “Even Short Nature Walks Improve Cognition”?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Good news makes me nervous.

More precisely: if I want to believe a research finding, I become very suspicious of it. After all: it’s easy to fool me when I want to be fooled.

Specifically: I’m an outdoors guy. I’ve worked at summer camps for ages, and love a good walk in the forests around Walden Pond.

So, when I read research showing that even a brief nature walk produces cognitive benefitsI’m both VERY EXCITED and EXTRA SKEPTICAL.

Let’s start with the assumption that it’s just not true.

Persuade Me

The research I’m speaking of is in fact a review article; it summarizes and compares the results of 14 studies. (The review article was flagged by Professor Dan Willingham, one of the leaders in translating science research for the classroom.)

These 14 studies shared important commonalities:

First: they looked at “one-time” exposure to nature. They didn’t look at — say — outdoor education programs. Instead, they looked at — say — a brisk walk in a park near the school.

Second: these “one-time exposures” were all relatively brief — somewhere between 10 and 90 minutes.

Third: these “brief, one-time exposures” did NOT deliberately focus the participants on nature. That is: students didn’t walk in the park to learn about trees and birds. They walked in the park to have the experience of walking in the park.

I might be skeptical about one study. I might be skeptical of two studies. But if 14 studies (or a substantial percentage of them) all reach the same conclusion … well, maybe I’ll be persuaded.

Equally interesting: these studies ran the K-16 gamut. We’re not looking at a narrow age-range here: more like two decades.

Conclusions (and Questions)

So, what did this potentially-persuasive bunch of studies show?

YES: in 12 of the 14 studies, brief, one-time, passive exposure to nature does benefit cognition.

More specifically, researchers found benefits in measures of directed attention and working memory.

They looked for, but did not find, benefits in measures of inhibition (another important executive function).

And, crucially, they did not measure academic performance. If a walk in nature enhances attention and working memory, we can reasonably predict that it will also improve learning. But: these studies did not measure that prediction.

Because this review covers so many studies, it’s easy to get lost in the details.

One point I do want to emphasize: the impressive variety of “exposures.”

Some students walked or played in a park, woods, or nature trail.

Some simply sat and read outdoors.

Amazingly, some walked on a treadmill watching a simulated nature trail on the monitor.

In fact, some simply sat in a classroom “with windows open on to green space.”

In other words: it doesn’t take much nature to get the benefits of nature.

Inevitable Caveats

First: in these studies, exposure to nature helped restore attention and working memory capacity that had been strained.

It did not somehow increase overall attention and WM capacity in an enduring way. Students recovered faster. But they didn’t end up with more of these capacities than they started with.

Second: most of these “exposures” included some modest physical activity.

How much (if any) of the benefit came from that physical exertion, instead of the greenery?

We don’t yet know.

A Skeptic Converted?

I have to say, I’m strongly swayed by this review.

In the past, I’ve seen studies that might contradict this set of conclusions.

But the number of studies, the variety of conditions, the variety of cognitive measures, and the range of ages all seem very encouraging.

Perhaps we can’t (yet) say that “research tells us” brief exposures to nature benefit students. But I feel much more comfortable speculating that this belief just might be true.

Starting the Year Just Right: Healthy Skepticism
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

I regularly tell teachers: if you want to be sure you’re right, work hard to prove yourself wrong.

If, for example, you think that dual coding might be a good idea in your classroom, look for all the best evidence you can find against this theory.

Because you’ll find (a lot) more evidence in favor of dual coding than against, you can be confident as you go forward with your new approach.

Well: I got a dose of my own medicine today…

People Prefer Natural Settings. Right?

If you’re a regular reader, you know that I’m a summer camp guy. I’ve spent many of the happiest hours of my life hiking trails and canoeing lakes and building fires.

Many of the best people I know devote their summers to helping children discover their strengths and values surrounded by pines and paddles.

And: I’m not the only one. We’ve got LOTS of research showing that people prefer natural settings to urban ones. Some of that research shows this preference cross-culturally. It’s not just Rousseau-influenced Westerners who feel this way, but humans generally.

In fact, it’s easy to speculate about an evolutionary cause for this preference. Our species has been around for about 250,000 years; only a tiny fraction of that time has included substantial urban development.

If our preference for natural environments has an evolutionary base, then we would expect children to share it. They don’t need adult coaxing to enjoy the natural beauties to which their genes incline them.

Right?

Trying to Prove Ourselves Wrong

If we’re going to follow the advice above — that is, if we’re going to seek out evidence at odds with our own beliefs — we might wonder: can we find research contradicting this line of thought?

Can we find evidence that children prefer urban settings to rural ones? That they adopt adult preferences only slowly, as they age?

Yes, we can.

Researchers in Chicago worked with children and their parents, asking them to say how much they liked (and disliked) images of natural and urban settings.

In every category, children liked the urban images more than adults (and their parents) did, and disliked natural images more than adults (and their parents). (Check out figure 3 in the study.)

And: that preference changed — almost linearly — as the children aged.

That is: the four-year-olds strongly preferred the urban images, whereas that preferential difference decreased as the children got older. (Figure 4 shows this pattern.)

You might reasonably wonder: doesn’t this depend on the environment in which the children grew up and attended school?

The researchers wondered the same thing. The answer is, nope.

They used zip codes to measure the relative urbanization of the places where these children lived. And, that variable didn’t influence their preferences.

So, contrary to my confident predictions, children (in this study, with this research paradigm) don’t share adults’ preferences. They prefer urban to natural settings.

Lessons to Learn

To be clear: this study does NOT suggest that we should give up on outdoor education.

The researchers aren’t even asking that question.

Instead, they’re examining a plausible hypothesis: “our adult love of nature might be an evolutionary inheritance, and therefore we’ll find it in children too.”

These data do not support that plausible hypothesis.

But, they also don’t contradict the many (many benefits) that humans — adults and children — get from interacting with the natural world.

So, for me, the two key lessons here are:

First: when introducing young children to natural environments, don’t be surprised if they don’t love them at first. We might need to plan for their discomfort, anxiety, and uncertainty.

Second: even if we really want to believe something to be true; even if that “something” is super plausible — we really should look for contradictory evidence before we plan our teaching world around it.

By the way: here’s a handy resource to aid you in your quest for more effective skepticism.